The Situation of Ethnic Minorities

1.   INTRODUCTION

1.1      History

In modern times, prior to the 1991 proclamation of independence, Ukrainians had no independent state. Divided between Russia and Poland since the late middle ages, they became subjects of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires after the partition of Poland in the late eighteenth century. After a failed attempt to establish Ukrainian statehood in 1919, Ukrainians came under Polish and Soviet rule during the interwar period. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was established in 1921 as part of the Soviet Federation. The republic suffered heavy population losses as a result of collectivization and Sovietization in the 1920s and the 1930s. Strong social and national conflicts developed in western Ukraine, which was under Polish rule until 1939, when it was annexed by the USSR as a result of the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact. Soviet Ukraine expanded territorially through the annexation of Bessarabia and Bukovina in 1945 and the incorporation of Crimea in 1954. During most of the Soviet period, Ukrainian language and culture were suppressed in Ukraine.

1.2 Key Political Events

The rebirth of the Ukrainian national movement, which originally developed in western Ukraine in the nineteenth century, started with the creation of the Rukh movement (in Ukrainian, rukh means movement) in 1989. A Declaration on State Sovereignty, proclaiming Ukraine's sovereignty vis-à-vis Moscow, was passed by the Ukrainian parliament in July 1990. Ukraine's independence was proclaimed on 24 August 1991, following the coup attempt of 19-21 August. In December 1991 the Declaration on the Independence of Ukraine was overwhelmingly approved by the residents of Ukraine in a nation-wide referendum; most non-Ukrainians voted for an independent Ukraine (Canadian Slavonic Papers June 1991, 122, 131).

The independence of Ukraine, although rooted in a national movement, was generally sympathetic to national minorities. The July 1990 Declaration on State Sovereignty contained provisions on national minorities. In July 1991 a Committee on Nationalities, attached to the Ukrainian Council of Ministers, was established "to monitor the implementation of laws on minority issues and help fulfil the social and cultural needs of Ukraine's national minorities" (Jaworsky 5 June 1993, 10). In November 1991 the Ukrainian parliament adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Nationalities, guaranteeing all citizens equal political, economic, social and cultural rights (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993). In June 1992 the Ukrainian parliament adopted the Law On National Minorities in Ukraine (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 60; RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993). In 1991 and 1992 a separatist movement developed in Crimea, where the majority of the population is Russian. Ethnic tensions escalated in this region as the Russian parliament moved to invalidate the 1954 transfer of Crimea from Russia to Ukraine.

1.3                Demography

Ukraine is a multinational state with a population of approximately 51.4 million, including 37.4 million Ukrainians (72.7 per cent of the total) and 11.4 million Russians (22.1 per cent), according to the 1989 Soviet census (Natsional'nyi sklad naselenia Ukrainy 1991). Other minorities in Ukraine include Jews (486,326), Belarussians (440,045), Moldovans (324,525), Bulgarians (233,800), Poles (219,179), Hungarians (163,111), and Romanians (134,825) (Ibid.). These minorities are relatively small in number, but in a few cases they are heavily concentrated in territories adjacent to states dominated by the same ethnic group. One small (200,000) but important minority group that has expressed grievances about its situation in Ukraine is the Crimean Tatars (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 62-63).

2.     MINORITY RIGHTS: THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND PRACTICE

The Ukrainian legislature and government have taken a number of steps to reassure ethnic minorities of their legal status and cultural freedom in Ukraine. Ukrainian president Kravchuk and many other high-ranking politicians have condemned xenophobia and advocated the principle of equal citizenship regardless of ethnic background (Jaworsky 5 June 1993). Xenophobic ideology has also failed to garner much support among political groups and parties (Ryabchuk 1992). There is no evidence of an "ethnic key" in appointments to senior government positions (Jaworsky 5 June 1993), and one of the deputy premiers of the government of Ukraine, Iulii Ioffe, is of Jewish background (Khadashot 1993). In November 1992 Ivan Dziuba was appointed Minister of Culture. Dziuba has been described by one source as a "prominent and consistent supporter of extensive rights for national minorities" (Jaworsky 5 June 1993).

2.1      Declaration on the State Sovereignty of Ukraine

In the Declaration on the State Sovereignty of Ukraine, passed by the Ukrainian legislature in July 1990, a commitment was made to respect the national rights of all the peoples of Ukraine. The section on citizenship guaranteed equality before the law to all citizens of Ukraine, regardless of their ancestry and racial or national identity. In its provisions on cultural development, the declaration asserted that the Ukrainian SSR guarantees to all nationalities living on the territory of the republic the right to free national and cultural development (Literaturna Ukraina 19 July 1992).

2.2  The Constitution and the Citizenship Law

Ukraine's draft constitution contains numerous provisions guaranteeing the rights of minorities in Ukraine. The draft constitution is still being studied and debated (Golos Ukrainy 21 May 1993; Ibid. 29 May 1993), but according to one source, its adoption is expected this year (Jaworsky 29 Apr. 1993).

On 8 October 1991 the Ukrainian parliament adopted the Law on Ukrainian Citizenship. Article 2 of the law, which came into force on 14 November 1991, states that all persons resident in Ukraine at the moment the law came into force were now nationals of an independent Ukraine. The law makes no distinction on the basis of ethnic group ( For further details please see the April 1992 IRBDC Question and Answer Series paper entitled CIS, Baltic States and Georgia: Nationality Legislation.) (Jaworsky 29 Apr. 1993; Pravda Ukrainy 14 Nov. 1991). However, ethnic Russian politicians in Ukraine and Russia have become vocal in demanding dual citizenship for Russians living in Ukraine (RFE/RL 8 Feb. 1993, 2; Jaworsky 21 June 1993). Under Article 1 of the Law on Citizenship, dual citizenship is permitted "on the basis of bilateral interstate treaties" (Pravda Ukrainy 14 Nov. 1991), but Ukraine has so far not negotiated any such agreements (Embassy of Ukraine 26 July 1993).

2.3      Language Law

The Law on Languages in the Ukrainian SSR was passed by the Soviet Ukrainian parliament in 1989 and went into effect on 1 January 1990. The law guarantees citizens the right to use their national language or any other language in education and the mass media, and it allows for the use of a language other than Ukrainian in areas where non-Ukrainians are in a majority. However, the law stipulates that Ukrainian is to be the only official language in Ukraine. Other languages, including Russian, are referred to as languages of inter-ethnic communication. Employees of the state and public institutions are given three to five years to acquire the knowledge of Ukrainian and Russian "to the degree needed to execute their official responsibilities"; for positions in education, culture and information, the timeframe is five to ten years (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993, 3; Demokratichnaya Ukraina 5 Nov. 1991).

2.4            Legislation on Ethnic Rights

After Ukraine regained independence, the basic tenets of the language law were confirmed in the November 1991 Declaration of Rights of Nationalities. The declaration guarantees equal political, economic, social and cultural rights to all citizens and nationalities in Ukraine. These guarantees were further enshrined in the Law on National Minorities in Ukraine, passed on 25 June 1992 (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993). The law also states that the language of a non-Ukrainian ethnic group residing compactly within a given administrative-territorial unit will have coequal status with Ukrainian (Holos Ukrainy 16 July 1992; Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 61). Furthermore, the Declaration guarantees Russian-speakers the right to use Russian freely (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993). On 4 November 1992 the Ukrainian Ministry of Education passed the Law on Minority Sunday Schools which states that local authorities will provide partial funding to national minorities' Sunday schools (Yevreiskiye Vesti 1992b). As well, a fund for Cultural Development of Ethnic Minorities in Ukraine was established in April 1992 (Holos Ukrainy 30 Apr. 1992).

2.5          Practice

The deterioration of Ukraine's economic situation in 1992 has made it difficult for the government to fulfil its commitments of financial support for ethnocultural minorities. There is a shortage of teachers qualified to teach many minority languages, and ethnic minorities often have difficulty finding facilities in which they can conduct cultural-educational activities. They lack the financial resources to publish materials in their native languages and have received little cooperation from officials at the local level (Kievskie vedomosti 26 Dec. 1992; Holos Ukrainy 24 Feb. 1993). Accordingly, the first All-Ukrainian Conference of National-Cultural Societies of Ukraine, held in February 1993, called for an increase in state funding for minority organizations and the creation of a separate ministry of nationalities, or at least a nationalities section in the Ministry of Culture (Holos Ukrainy 24 Feb. 1993). A Ministry on Nationalities Affairs and Migration was created on 26 April 1993 on the basis of the aforementioned Committee on Nationalities (Jaworsky 5 June 1993, 10; BBC Summary 28 Apr. 1993).

Ukraine's treatment of minorities has received positive reviews from foreign sources. A report from the United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) states that "Ukraine's treatment of minorities has been encouraging and Ukraine, unlike many former Soviet republics, has been largely untouched by ethnic conflict. To date, inter-ethnic stability has been maintained" (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 60). The same report states that "Ukraine has made considerable progress in its pledge to respect CSCE and other international human rights commitments" (Ibid., 50). Another report concluded that "more than one year after independence Ukraine remains a model of inter-ethnic accord in spite of a very large Russian minority on its territory" (The Economist Intelligence Unit 1992, 43). Several independent groups are monitoring human rights in Ukraine. They include Helsinki 90, Memorial, Union of Councils of Soviet Jews (USCJ) and the USCJ-affiliated Ukrainian-American Bureau on Human Rights and the Rule of Law (Monitor 1 May 1992).

Despite these generally favourable assessments, there is concern about measures to promote the Ukrainian language and culture in order to compensate for their neglect in the past. These measures have been termed "Ukrainization" by some minority groups. President Kravchuk, however, has denied accusations of Ukrainization (Russian Press Digest 19 June 1992). In June 1992 he stated that the Ukrainian language had been "an inferior-status language" and that the government had to rectify this situation, but not at the expense of other languages (Official Kremlin International News Broadcast 19 June 1992). There has been concern that Ukrainization, if implemented in a rapid and injudicious fashion, using crude administrative measures, could alienate ethnic minorities (Rabochaya gazeta 13 Jan. 1993). This criticism has come from ethnic Russians in Ukraine and Russia, as well as from Ukrainians, Bulgarians, Romanians and Jews in Ukraine (Jaworsky 21 June 1993).

3.       POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR STAND ON MINORITIES ISSUES

There are almost three dozen parties and political groups in Ukraine covering the whole political spectrum (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 72). The major parties have adopted liberal policies on minorities similar to those of the government (Solchanyk 21 July 1993).

The impetus for ethnic tolerance in Ukraine came from the Rukh movement, the leading force for Ukrainian independence. During the campaign for independence, the movement staunchly defended the rights of all minorities living in Ukraine (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 60-61). Rukh transformed itself from a broad political movement to a political party in 1993 (Solchanyk 21 July 1993; BBC Summary 3 Mar. 1993). With 52,000 full members and over 100,000 associate members, it is the largest mass political organization in Ukraine (RFE/RL 16 Apr. 1993b, 15; Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 73). However, a minority faction of Rukh led by Valentin Moroz split from the larger organization to form a group called All People's Rukh (VNR), which is much more nationalistic than the other Rukh (Solchanyk 21 July 1993) and has called for a "Ukraine for Ukrainians" (The Ukrainian Weekly 29 Nov. 1992). This small faction has also called for a speedy pace of Ukrainization and is supported in this by Prosvita, an association originally formed to promote Ukrainian language heritage (Solchanyk 21 July 1993). The Ukrainian Republican Party and Nova Ukraina are more liberal in their views of minorities issues and advocate a slower pace of Ukrainization (Ibid.).

In Kharkiv (Kharkov), Rukh split and Kharkiv Rukh emerged as a political party in direct opposition to the "All-Ukraine" Rukh. Its motto: "all non-Ukrainians must go away." One of Kharkiv Rukh's leaders, Anatoly Zdorovoy, reportedly stated in a public speech that Russians and Jews were responsible for all of independent Ukraine's economic and political troubles. The head of All-Ukraine Rukh, Vyacheslav Chernovyl, has described the nationalism in Kharkiv and Lviv as "bad" and has called Zdorovoy and the leader of the fascist National Socialist Labour Union in Kharkiv representatives of "caveman nationalism" (UCSJ Feb. 1993, 1-2).

The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, which advocates a policy of "Ukraine for Ukrainians," is another nationalist organization. Unlike Pamyat, it focuses not on Jews but on Russians in general. Nevertheless, Jews have become concerned about the group's nationalist tone (Monitor 4 Dec. 1992, 5).

There are also a few extreme nationalist and fascist groups, including Ukrainskaya Natsionalnaya Assembleya (Ukrainian National Assembly) and Natsional'na Samoobrona (National Self-Defence). Although their political base is limited, they became more active in 1992 (The New York Times 27 Aug. 1992; Jaworsky 29 Apr. 1993). According to another source, these radical groups are not well organized (Solchanyk 21 July 1993).

4.                ETHNIC RELATIONS

Ethnic relations in Ukraine are dominated by the relationship between ethnic Ukrainians and Russians. Although large numbers of Russians can be found throughout Ukraine, they are heavily concentrated in the industrial regions of eastern and southern Ukraine bordering on Russia. While in 1989 they constituted 43.6 per cent of the population of the Donetsk oblast, 44.8 per cent of the Luhansk oblast and 33.2 per cent of the Kharkiv oblast, the only area where Russians formed a demographic majority (67 per cent) was in Crimea (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993).

Despite this numeric minority, the Russians in eastern and southern Ukraine were, in the past, in many respects, a "psychological" majority (Jaworsky 5 June 1993, 11). This is a legacy of "Tsarist and Soviet policies, which provided the Russian population in Ukraine with a full range of Russian-language facilities to satisfy its cultural and educational needs" (Ibid.). In addition, over time Russian became the dominant language of the government bureaucracy in Ukraine, with the possible exception of western Ukraine (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993). At the same time, the spheres in which the Ukrainian language was used were gradually narrowed. The image of the "inferior" nature of the Ukrainian language and culture was internalized by many Ukrainians, especially in the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine (Ryabchuk 1992, 23). As a result, in 1989 "59.5 per cent of Ukrainians in Ukraine were fluent in Russian and 12.3 per cent considered Russian their native language, whereas only 1.6 per cent of Russians in Ukraine considered Ukrainian their native language, and only 32.8 per cent were fluent in Ukrainian" (Jaworsky 5 June 1993, 11-12).

Many non-Ukrainians have voiced concerns about recent attempts by advocates of extreme Ukrainian nationalism, largely based in western Ukraine, to strengthen and broaden their base of public support (Kossikov 6 June 1993; Jaworsky 5 June 1993). For example, the circulation of publications of a radical nationalist character (which include Nationalist, Neskorena Natsiia and Ukrainskyi obrii) and the activities of nationalist paramilitary forces increased in 1992. Lviv and western Ukraine have also reportedly seen an increase in anti-Semitism recently (Monitor 13 Nov. 1992, 6). These developments could lead to the alienation of those ethnic minorities and ethnic Ukrainians whose first language is Russian (Monitor 25 Sept. 1992; Jaworsky 29 Apr. 1993).

4.1                Ethnic Tensions between Ukrainians and Russians

Tensions between ethnic Ukrainians and Russians centre on their different perceptions of Ukrainization, especially with respect to language issues (Ethnic tensions may be influenced by worsening relations between the Russian and Ukrainian Orthodox Churches and the Ukrainian Catholic Church, especially in western Ukraine (Reuters 18 July 1993; The Economist 25 Apr. 1992), but this issue is not within the scope of this paper). An opinion poll conducted in Kiev by researchers from Stanford University showed that 94 per cent of ethnic Russians wanted Russian to be one of the official state languages, while a majority of Ukrainians were opposed (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993).

The language of instruction in schools is a sensitive issue. A poll conducted in May 1992 by the Sociological Association of Ukraine showed that 66 per cent of ethnic Ukrainians wanted Ukrainian to be the main language of instruction in Ukraine's schools, compared with 33 per cent of ethnic Russians (Ibid.). Although 55 per cent of Russians agreed that Ukrainian should be a mandatory subject (RFE/RL 18 Sept. 1992, 70), to date there have been few changes in the status and role of the Russian language in the educational system. For example, not a single Ukrainian-language school has been opened in Crimea, where Ukrainians represent 25.8 per cent of the population, and there are very few Ukrainian-language schools in eastern and southern Ukraine (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993, 3).

Nevertheless, Russian resistance to perceived Ukrainization measures appears to be growing. For example, in January 1993, the Russian ambassador to Ukraine issued strongly worded complaints against the government of Ukraine claiming that Kiev was slow in responding to the needs of the Russian population. This marked a sudden change in attitude from previous statements that he had made (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993, 4). In Lviv in western Ukraine, where seven per cent of the population is Russian, the only Russian-language television programme has been discontinued. In predominantly Russian-speaking Kiev there is only one Russian television channel, reportedly the weakest one. In the department of philology at Kiev University, students now study Russian language and literature in Ukrainian (The New York Review of Books 22 Oct. 1992, 60).

Dissatisfaction among ethnic Russians with the policies of the government of Ukraine is caused in part by the worsening economic situation. Overall dissatisfaction has tended to increase demands in the latter part of 1992 and in 1993 that Russian be granted the status of second official language. These are typically accompanied by calls for "dual Ukrainian-Russian citizenship, a federated structure for Ukraine, a higher degree of integration within the CIS, and closer ties to Russia" (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993, 2). Most Russians in Ukraine did not, however, want the redefinition of the current borders of Ukraine (RFE/RL 4 Sept. 1992, 66).

Despite the expression of concern, the Russian population has not been mobilized politically. Country Reports 1992 states that while there have been a few claims of discrimination by Russians in Ukraine, there is "no evidence of serious Russian-Ukrainian ethnic tension except in Crimea" (1993, 956). Furthermore, according to Dr. Igor Kossikov, the Deputy Director of the Institute of Ethnography and Anthropology at the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow, there have been no direct clashes between Russians and Ukrainians, and, in comparison with many other areas of the former Soviet Union, the situation of Russians in Ukraine is not a threatening one (6 June 1993).

4.2             Other Ethnic Minorities

Questions have been raised about the implementation of minority rights and guarantees at the regional level (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 60). In multiethnic Transcarpathia, for instance, with its substantial Hungarian minority, no agreement could be reached on the issue of an autonomous Hungarian district for the Berehovo region, as requested by the inhabitants. High-level Ukrainian political figures have ruled that only self-government and cultural autonomy would be acceptable (RFE/RL 16 Apr. 1993a, 24-25; Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 64), but even so, permission was not granted to make bilingual (Ukrainian-Hungarian) signs mandatory in minority-inhabited areas (Ibid.). Nevertheless, bilingual road signs were in evidence in the area in 1991 (The London Times 2 Dec. 1991). Despite Ukrainian reluctance to grant ethnic Hungarians full territorial autonomy, Hungary described their treatment by Ukraine as exemplary. Ukraine and Hungary have established cooperation on minority rights which, according to a high-ranking Hungarian official, could serve "as an example and a model for the entire region as well as for Europe" (RFE/RL 16 Apr. 1993a, 25; Security Dialogue Mar. 1993).

Some ethnic Romanians living in Chernivtsy oblast in southwestern Ukraine have accused Ukrainian authorities of curbing some of their rights, specifically on travel and other contacts with Romania (Reuters 1 Sept. 1991; Monitor 19 June 1992b). Ukraine has dismissed these accusations and pointed to the cultural freedoms and facilities enjoyed by the Romanian minority (Monitor 19 June 1992b; Pravda Ukrainy 13 Feb. 1993). In 1992, the chairman of Ukraine's State Committee on Nationality Affairs, Yuri Olenenko, noted that in Chernovtsy oblast, where 20 per cent of the population is Romanian, 86 out of the 420 schools use the Romanian language (Reuters 10 June 1992).

As a sign of its willingness to support ethnic minorities, the government of Ukraine is encouraging ethnic groups expelled by Stalin to return to Ukraine. In February 1992 President Kravchuk announced that Ukraine is willing to absorb up to 400,000 of the estimated 1.1 million ethnic Germans in Central Asia and has contributed 500 million roubles towards a resettlement fund (Reuters 29 Feb. 1992; Neue Zuricher Zeitung 10 Mar. 1992; AFP 10 Mar. 1992). Dr. Walter Prisnitz, state secretary of the German federal interior ministry, praised the Ukrainian parliament's decision to absorb these ethnic Germans (TASS 1 June 1993), but recent reports indicate that to date only 1526 Germans have been resettled in Ukraine, and procedural problems that affect further resettlement have arisen (BBC Summary 9 Sept. 1993; Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press 7 July 1993; Russian Press Digest 7 July 1993). Reportedly, there are also plans to resettle 16,000 Poles from Kazakhstan (AFP 20 Mar. 1992).

An important question concerns resettlement of Crimean Tatars who were forcibly expelled by Stalin during World War II. Nearly 200,000 Tatars have since returned to their historic homeland (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 63). The Ukrainian government has provided some financial assistance but the Tatars' return has caused tensions with other residents of Crimea (Ibid.; The Guardian 1 Sept. 1993; The Houston Chronicle 8 Aug. 1993; RFE/RL 30 Apr. 1993, 24-25). The Tatars allege that they are discriminated against by local employers (The Guardian 1 Sept. 1993), that they have difficulty securing land, and that in some instances their temporary shelters have been destroyed by local militia (Xinhua 7 Oct. 1992; The Houston Chronicle 8 Aug. 1993). The Russian majority in the peninsula has resisted acknowledging the rights of Tatars (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 63). Crimean Tatars generally support Ukrainian sovereignty over Crimea but have called for renewal of their national-territorial status on the peninsula (Ibid.). According to Crimean Tatar leader Mustafa Djemilov, if the problems faced by Crimean Tatars in Crimea continue to worsen there could be bloodshed, although he claims Tatars will not be "the first to shoot" (The Guardian 1 Sept. 1993).

5.   THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

Anti-Semitism has deep historical roots in Ukraine. Jewish historians regard the seventeenth century Ukrainian peasant massacres of Jews as a national disaster second only to the Holocaust. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Ukraine was part of the Pale of Settlement and the scene of anti-Jewish violence and pogroms (National Conference on Soviet Jewry Jan. 1993). Inter-ethnic tensions increased during the interwar period and persisted under the German occupation when Jews met with considerable hostility from the local population. As well, during World War II some Ukrainians collaborated with Nazis in mass killings and deportations of Jews (Ibid.). In the post-war period Stalin ordered the relocation and deaths of thousands of Jews (The New York Times 7 Oct. 1991). The Jewish Autonomous District (Birobidjan) was established near the Chinese-Soviet border and several thousand Jews were forced to move there (Stonov July 1991).

Although Ukraine has the world's fourth largest diaspora Jewish community, behind only the United States, Russia and France, the community is largely Russified. According to the Jewish Agency's representative in Kiev, only two or three per cent of Jews in Ukraine are involved in Jewish cultural life (Jerusalem Report 12 Dec. 1991, 26). Ukrainian Jews are almost entirely Russian-speaking; 90 per cent consider Russian to be their native tongue (RFE/RL 5 Mar. 1993, 2), only about 10 per cent know Yiddish, and practically none speak Hebrew (Respublika 10 Dec. 1992). The overwhelming majority of the Jewish newspapers in Ukraine are published in Russian.

5.1  Social and Political Profile

Although the 1989 Soviet census gives a figure of 486,326 Jews in Ukraine, the Jewish Agency representative in Kiev has estimated that the figure is closer to 600,000 (Jerusalem Report 12 Dec. 1991). Demographically, the community is in decline. According to Soviet censuses, between 1959 and 1989 the number of Jews in Ukraine declined by 42 per cent (Einigkeit 1992). One source estimates that, as a result of emigration, only 320,000 Jews remained in the country at the end of 1992 (Respublika 10 Dec. 1992). Ukrainian Jews favour large cities, and 99 per cent of the total are urban dwellers. In 1989, 20.7 per cent of the total lived in Kiev, with a further 14.2 per cent in Odessa, 10.3 per cent in Dniepropetrovsk and 10.1 per cent in Kharkiv (Natsional'nyi sklad naseleniya Ukrainy 1991, 19).

While information on the extent to which Jews occupy important political positions is limited, one source reported that in the last parliamentary elections, Iulii Ioffe's nationality had no negative impact on his standing with the Ukrainian voters, 80 per cent of whom supported his candidacy (Khadashot 1993, 8).

5.2          Cultural and Religious Conditions

According to the U.S. Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, "opportunities for cultural and religious expression for Jews (as well as for emigration) have grown considerably" in the last few years (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 64). This is illustrated by the situation of Kiev's Jewish community. The city has three Jewish day schools, the largest of which is subsidized by the government of Ukraine. Kiev has two functioning synagogues (the second reopened in November 1992), an Orthodox congregation, and a reform congregation which runs a Sunday school attended by 100 students (Canadian Jewish News 21 Jan. 1993; Yevreiskiye Vesti 1992a, 3). The Kiev museum houses a large collection of judaica (Canadian Jewish News 18 Feb. 1992). Kiev's Pedagogical University and Theatrical Institute now have Jewish departments (The Ukrainian Weekly 8 Nov. 1992). The city is the home to Sholem Aleichem and Ukraina-Israel societies, a Jewish library, a Jewish dance group, a Jewish choir, a Jewish theatre and a number of other cultural and educational facilities.

Kiev is also the headquarters of Khadashot, Yevreiskiye Vesti, Vozrozhdeniye '91 and Ukraina-Israel, four out of some twenty Ukrainian-Jewish newspapers, all of which emerged after 1985. A Jewish television programme, Menorah, is broadcast on Ukrainian television once a month. Jewish services are televised on major religious holidays (Canadian Jewish News 21 Jan. 1993). One of the most interesting developments in Kiev's Jewish community is the International Solomon University. This private university, modelled after Brandeis University near Boston, was founded in March 1992. Although the official opening will take place in September 1993, some classes have already begun (Ibid.). The University will offer courses in Jewish languages, literature, religion, history, music, economy, law and finance (Ukraine Today 11 June 1992). It will also train rabbis and Jewish educators (Ibid.). The Kievo-Mohyla Academy in Kiev also plans to introduce courses in Jewish studies (Canadian Jewish News 25 Feb. 1993).

The mushrooming of new Jewish cultural institutions is apparent throughout Ukraine. Chernivtsy now has a Jewish school and a Yiddish-language newspaper and radio programme (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 64; Jerusalem Report 3 June 1993, 33). Jewish schools have also opened in Kharkiv and Zaporozhe (National Conference on Soviet Jewry Jan. 1993, 4). In February 1993, the 450-member Council of Bukovinian Jews was registered (Yevreiskiye Vesti 1993a, 1). The first Republican Congress of Ukrainian Jews, attended by 225 delegates from 72 Ukrainian towns, convened in Kiev in October 1992 (Yevreiskiye Vesti 1992b; The Ukrainian Weekly 8 Nov. 1992). High-ranking Ukrainian politicians participated in the meeting (Ibid.).

On the other hand, Jewish organizations have complained about financial difficulties, problems in finding premises as well as Ukraine's failure to return all previously nationalized Jewish property to the Jews (Canadian Jewish News 21 Jan. 1993). The journal Vozrozhdeniye '91 was facing financial difficulties in the summer of 1992 (Vozrozhdeniye '91 June 1992, 1). In Donetsk, a journal entitled Alef ceased publication in July due to financial problems (Monitor 19 June 1992a).

5.3 Jewish Emigration from Ukraine

Despite continued cumbersome bureaucratic requirements and the absence of emigration legislation, there has been a significant liberalization of emigration policy. Due to the loosening of emigration restrictions, over 100,000 Jews have left Ukraine within the last few years, mostly to Israel (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 55). However, some of the old restrictions on travel were reintroduced, including regulations that make emigration more difficult for draft-age males, persons with complaints pending against them in court and anyone determined to possess state secrets (Monitor 19 Feb. 1993). For additional information on Jewish emigration to Israel, see the February 1993 DIRB Question and Answer Series paper entitled Israel: Jews from the Former Soviet Union.

5.4      Anti-Semitism

Popular anti-Semitism still exists in Ukraine, although one study of anti-Semitism in the CIS concluded that "there is less popular antisemitism in Ukraine than in Russia, Belarus, the northern Caucasus and Central Asia" (Soviet Refugee Monitor Feb. 1992, 17). According to a public opinion survey conducted by a U.S. polling agency, Jews were negatively viewed by 22 per cent of the population of Ukraine ( By comparison, the study found that Jews are viewed negatively in Poland, Russia, Germany, France and Lithuania by 34, 26, 24, 14 and 10 per cent of the population respectively.) (Ibid.).

The Rukh movement as well as President Kravchuk and many other politicians in Ukraine have strongly condemned expressions of anti-Semitism and encouraged the development of Jewish culture. Kravchuk has encouraged close ties between Ukraine and Israel and was the first leader of a CIS state to visit Israel in January 1993 (Yevreiskiye Vesti 1993b). He also addressed an international conference on anti-Semitism held in Brussels in the summer of 1992 (Ibid. 1992e; Ukraine Today 7 July 1992). According to a prominent American scholar, Kravchuk's leadership has been successful in keeping anti-Semites out of politics, but anti-Jewish tendencies may come to the surface if his government collapses (The New York Times 12 Feb. 1992). Relatively few organizations or publications in Ukraine have been involved in actively spreading anti-Jewish propaganda (Ibid. 27 Aug. 1992), in contrast to the existence of numerous such organizations and publications in Russia and Belarus (Soviet Refugee Monitor Feb. 1992). As well, the liberal Russian journal Novoye Vremya reported that there was little evidence of anti-Semitic attitudes among the public at large, and groups professing anti-Semitism were small and isolated (1993).

The anti-Semitic group Pamyat has reportedly made few inroads in Ukraine. In the city of Zhitomir, it organized an illegal meeting to denounce the Judeo-masonic influence in Rukh. There are reportedly 72 members of Pamyat in Zhitomir (Vozrozhdeniye '91 Dec. 1991). According to Jewish leaders in Ukraine, these groups are not encouraged from the top, and they have very few adherents among Ukrainians (Human Rights and Democratization Jan. 1993, 63). On 20 January 1993, Dimitri Vasilev, a known Russian Pamyat activist, was prevented from entering Ukraine and sent back to Russia by Ukrainian border guards (Ukraine Today 21 Jan. 1993; Vechernyi Kiev 29 Jan. 1993).

Aleksander Burakovsky, the chairman of Rukh's Council of Nationalities and a Jewish activist, stated that anti-Jewish articles were appearing in the press more frequently. According to Burakovsky "what is most distressing is not any officially-inspired anti-Semitism. That's over. What is bad is that the political authorities say nothing about it" (The New York Review of Books 22 Oct. 1992, 60). Another Ukrainian Jewish activist commented that the Jews were free to assert publicly their identity in Ukraine but that the authorities did not do much to contain grassroots anti-Semitism (Yevreiskiye Vesti 1993c, 3). Nevertheless, Novoye Vremya reported that police have occasionally intervened in the activities of anti-Semitic organizations (1993). In one case, legal action was initiated against the inflammatory article by Anatol Sherbatyuk called "The Spirit of Blood," which was published in Slovo. The complaint, filed by Aleksander Burakovsky, will be prosecuted by the republic's procurator general (Monitor 28 Aug. 1992a). Sherbatyuk was charged with inciting chauvinism and anti-Semitism (Ibid. 2 Jan. 1993).

Ukrainian Jews are concerned about the glorification of Ukrainian nationalism, as it sometimes carries a distinctly anti-Semitic tone. Near Babi Yar, for example, a group of 1,000 Ukrainians reportedly protested the "takeover" by Jews of an atrocity that was carried out against Ukrainians (Canadian Jewish News 10 Oct. 1991). In several Ukrainian cities, including Lviv, Tarnopol, Chervonograd and Ivano-Frankovsk, local groups have erected monuments and plaques glorifying the Ukrainian SS, and main thoroughfares have been renamed after Ukrainian nationalist leaders whose ideology included anti-Semitism. Several local communities are implementing an April 1991 republic law that grants blanket amnesties to 50,000 applicants convicted of war crimes by Soviet courts. Reportedly, there are no mechanisms to determine whether those being given amnesty are guilty of World War II atrocities (Ibid.). Nonetheless, the anniversary of the massacre of Jews at Babi Yar was commemorated in 1992 as it was in 1991, and a monument commemorating the victims of the Lviv ghetto was unveiled in downtown Lviv in August 1992 (Yevreiskiye Vesti 1992d, 2).

6.  FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS

A legal framework for the protection of minority rights has been created in Ukraine and the current government has taken steps to improve inter-ethnic stability. Currently there is little evidence of inter-ethnic clashes and state-sponsored anti-Semitism appears to be a thing of the past.

This relative calm in ethnic relations so far has been maintained in the midst of the continued political and economic instability caused by the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The transition to and development of new forms of government and economic structures likely will have some effect on the situation of minorities, as will the implementation of legislation relating to minority rights.

Evolving relations with Russia also might impact on ethnic relations. For example, ethnic tensions escalated in Crimea when the Russian parliament debated whether to invalidate the 1954 transfer of Crimea from Russia to Ukraine. This intensified a separatist movement in Crimea, where most of the population is Russian (Kossikov 6 June 1993). Citizenship and pension issues are still among the many unresolved issues plaguing Russian-Ukrainian relations, affecting both millions of Russians in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Russia (RFE/RL 2 July 1993, 27).

Finally, the extent to which the Ukrainian government can maintain a balance between protecting minority rights and alleviating fears of Ukrainization on the one hand, and equalizing the status of Ukrainian culture and language after years of suppression on the other, is another consideration for the future of ethnic relations and stability in Ukraine.

7. REFERENCES

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