Romania: Information on the 1996 elections, political opposition, the role of the press and the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI)

June and November 1996 Elections

        Local elections took place in Romania in early June 1996 (EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 19; The Economist 22 June 1996, 51-52). The ruling Romanian Social Democrat Party (PSDR) received 26.49 per cent of the vote, while the Democratic Convention of Romania (CDR) placed second, securing 26.45 per cent of the vote (EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 19; OMRI 20 June 1996; Transition 12 July 1996b, 2). The Democratic Party (DP) placed third with 13.15 per cent of the vote (EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 19; OMRI 20 June 1996).

Candidates did not have to pass the five per cent threshold required in the previous elections, nor did they have to gather a petition signed by supporters to participate in the elections (EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 19). The East European Constitutional Review reported that "allegations are widespread that PSDR opted for this variant in order to enhance the chances of small nationalist parties" (ibid.). The source further reports that "the independence of the press was jeopardised [during the June elections] by the government's repeated efforts to hush critical voices" (ibid.). Transition also notes that the elections were "marred by reports of irregularities" (12 July 1996b, 2).

Parliamentary elections were held on 3 November 1996. The CDR secured 30.70 per cent of Senate seats and 30.17 per cent of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies (OMRI 8 Nov. 1996; RPR 11 Nov. 1996). The PSDR placed second, gaining 23.08 per cent of Senate seats and 21.52 per cent of Chamber of Deputy seats (ibid.; OMRI 8 Nov. 1996). The DP finished third winning 13.16 per cent of seats in the Senate and 12.93 per cent of Chamber seats, while the Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania (UDMR) secured 6.81 per cent of Senate seats and 6.64 per cent of Chamber seats (ibid.). The other parties that managed to pass the three per cent hurdle required to gain seats included the Greater Romania Party (PRM) and the Party of Romanian National Unity (PUNR) (ibid.; see also Reuters 4 Nov. 1996b). International observers from the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) declared the elections free "reasonably fair and transparent, but with transparency still needing improvement" (Reuters 4 Nov. 1996a).

Although the CDR secured the most seats in the 3 November elections, it failed to gain a majority, thus making coalitions and alliances inevitable (OMRI 5 Nov. 1996). Shortly after the 3 November vote Petre Roman, former Romanian Prime Minister and leader of the DP, and CDR leader Emil Constantinescu signed "an accord for electoral, parliamentary and governmental cooperation" (ibid.; AFP 19 Nov. 1996; see also DPA 17 Nov. 1996). According to AFP, "Roman is likely to be nominated as speaker of the Senate, or upper house, while four key portfolios including defence and foreign affairs are likely to go to his party" (AFP 19 Nov. 1996). According to the OMRI Daily Digest, the UDMR, "participated in negotiations ... on the new Romanian cabinet. It is now considered certain that the UDMR will be included in the new government. The UDMR's Gyorgy Frunda will be minister of tourism" (25 Nov. 1996).

The first round of presidential elections, also held on 3 November 1996, saw the incumbent president Ion Iliescu emerge with a slight lead, securing 32.23 per cent of the vote over Emil Constantinescu who managed to win 28.21 per cent of the vote (OMRI 8 Nov. 1996; RPR 11 Nov. 1996). In the 17 November 1996 run-off elections, however, Constantinescu attained a solid victory over Iliescu (AFP 17 Nov. 1996; ibid. 19 Nov. 1996; The Globe and Mail 18 Nov. 1996; New York Times 18 Nov. 1996). Constantinescu gained 54.4 per cent of the vote while Iliescu secured only 45.6 per cent (AFP 19 Nov. 1996). DP leader Petre Roman and Gyorgy Frunda, the leader of the UDMR, both threw their support behind Constantinescu in a bid to oust Iliescu (ibid. 17 Nov. 1996; ibid. 19 Nov. 1996; The New York Times 18 Nov. 1996; see also The Economist 9 Nov. 1996; RPR 11 Nov. 1996).

 Please note that the information in the rest of this Response reflects the situation up to the November 1996 elections. It is too early to know what impact the election results may have on political groupings, the role of the press and/or the role of the SRI.

Romanian Political Parties

        In 1993 Romania had 159 officially registered parties; 79 parties participated in the 1992 Senate elections and 65 in the parliamentary elections (Transition 12 July 1996a, 60). Despite a three per cent hurdle introduced in 1992, little had been done to "stem the proliferation of political parties" (ibid.). According to Reuters, since 1989 "hundreds of tiny, 'pocket-size' parties [had] mushroomed in Romania" (16 Feb. 1996).

In an attempt to establish an "'optimal number' of viable political parties" a new law on political parties was promulgated on 25 April 1996 (Transition 12 July 1996a, 60-61; see also Monitorul Oficial 29 Apr. 1996, 54; Reuters 16 Feb. 1996). The law stipulates that parties must have at least 10,000 members in at least 15 counties, with no less than 300 members in each county (Monitorul Oficial 29 Apr. 1996, 56; EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 19; Transition 12 July 1996a, 61). Furthermore, "parties failing to run candidates in two consecutive electoral campaigns in at least 10 of the existing 41 electoral districts, or formations that do not hold a meeting of their leading bodies for five years, will be erased from the list of legal parties..." (ibid., 60). Please see the attached Monitorul Oficial article for the full text of the law on political parties.

Small political parties and extraparliamentary groups maintained that the new law infringed on the constitutional freedom of assembly and organization (ibid., 61). According to Transition, some provisions of the law "are arguably less than democratic and may negatively affect smaller formations and parties not represented in the outgoing parliament" (ibid., 60). Monarchist groups are effectively prohibited from registering as political parties, as according to the new law all parties must respect the country's constitution which "defines Romania as a republic" (Reuters 16 Feb. 1996; Transition 12 July 1996a, 63). The law does not exclude ethnically based parties from registering (ibid., 61-62; EECR Winter 1996, 19). Please see the 12 July 1996 Transition attachment for additional commentary on the effects of the law on political parties.

Major Political Groupings and Parties

        The PSDR, the governing party until November 1996 (Globe and Mail 18 Nov. 1996, A8), was registered in August 1993 after the merger of the Democratic National Salvation Front, which won the 1992 elections, and the Republican Party and the Democratic Cooperative Party (RPR 30 Oct. 1995; see also Political Handbook of the World 1995, 723). In January 1995 the PSDR, the Romanian National Unity Party (PUNR), the Greater Romania Party (PRM) and the Socialist Labour Party (PSM) signed a political protocol strengthening their cooperation (Xinhua 20 Jan. 1995; Liberation 16 Feb. 1995, 9; Camus 1996, 212). Sources report that the PUNR, PRM and PSM are considered to be extremist groups; they all "share a clear nostalgia for the regime of executed President Nicolae Ceausescu, as well as a pronounced extreme nationalist posture that is an extension of Ceausescu's 'national communism'" (Transition 14 Apr. 1995, 42; Camus 1996, 212-14, 219). After the signing of the four-party protocol Romanian opposition groups stated that the agreement "will foster fascism by increasing the power of 'extremist, intolerant, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, nostalgic, and restorationist parties" (Transition 14 Apr. 1995, 46; Camus 1996, 212-13).

However, by 1996, the influence of the three nationalist parties began to dissipate; the PRM and the PSM withdrew from the ruling coalition in late 1995 and early 1996 respectively (EECR Winter 1996, 19; AFP 20 Oct. 1995). On 2 September 1996 the ruling PSDR officially broke with the PUNR (Radio Romania Network 3 Sept. 1996).

The CDR, led by Emil Constantinescu, is an alliance of fourteen opposition parties and was the largest opposition bloc in the Romanian parliament until it won the most seats in the 3 November 1996 parliamentary elections (Reuters 4 Nov. 1996; RPR 18 Dec. 1995; Political Handbook of the World 1995, 724; The Economist 22 June 1996, 51). The principal parties of the CDR include the Christian and Democratic National Peasants Party (PNTCD), the Civic Alliance Party (PAC), the Liberal Party (1993) and the Romanian Ecologist Party (PER) (Political Handbook of the World 1995, 724; Europa 1995, 2552). By 1995, however, the CDR had partially split as a result of inter-party conflicts and power struggles (EECR Spring 1995, 21-22; Uncaptive Minds Spring 1995, 99-102; see also The Economist 22 June 1995, 51-52; Current History Mar. 1996, 120-21; Transition 12 Jan. 1996, 30). According to an article in Transition "by continually splitting apart, merging, and then splitting again, the country's various incarnations of short-lived liberal alliances have become caught in a loop. Personal rather than political differences are behind the breaks" (25 Aug. 1995, 49; see also The Economist 22 June 1996, 51). See the Uncaptive Minds attachment for further information on the CDR.

The UDMR and the Agrarian Democratic Party of Romania (ADPR) also gained seats in the 1992 elections (Europa 1995, 2552). Petre Roman leads the DP, a centre-left party (ibid.; The Economist 22 June 1995, 51-52; RPR 18 Dec. 1995). Please see Extended Response to Information Request ROM25231.EX for information on the UDMR and the Europa, Political Handbook of the World and Uncaptive Minds attachments for further information on other Romanian political parties and groupings.

The Liberal Monarchist Party of Romania and the National Liberal Party both favour the return and resumption of power of former Romanian King Michael (Political Handbook of the World 1995, 724). According to a 1995 publication, the PNTCD, the largest party in the CDR, "continues to support holding a public referendum on whether Romania should be a monarchy or a republic" (Uncaptive Minds Spring 1995,101). The same report notes, however, that "after fifty years of anti-monarchist propaganda and profound social change, there is little popularity for the monarchy" (ibid.). Since 1992 the Romanian government has refused to grant King Michael, who lives in Switzerland, a Romanian visa or Romanian citizenship (Reuters 26 Oct. 1995; ibid. 13 Nov. 1995). Reuters reports that "Romania's leftist government fears his enormous popularity and refuses to grant him a visa until he renounces any claim to the throne" (26 Oct. 1995). The US Office of Asylum Affairs claims that "pro-monarchist sentiments are not circumscribed. Indeed, major pro-monarchy newspapers publish freely and openly pro-monarchist parties function without hindrance" (Office of Asylum Affairs Mar. 1996, 5).

The Dismissal of Local Officials

        Since 1992, in a strategy allegedly aimed at eliminating opposition-minded local officials, the Iliescu government dismissed over 100 elected mayors and councillors on grounds of fiscal incompetence or corruption (EECR Spring 1995, 22; ibid. Spring-Summer 1996, 20; The Economist 20 Apr. 1996; Current History Mar. 1996, 120; 0FR 30 Oct. 1995, 5; OMRI 24 Jan. 1995). Most of the dismissed officials were members of opposition parties (ibid.; EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 20).

To make up for [1992] electoral loses, the government has resorted to two basic strategies: either luring mayors affiliated with the opposition over to the governing party, or dismissing them and calling new elections. ... Overall, 133 mayors have been dismissed by government-appointed prefects, and another 264 have resigned on their own. Of the 62 mayors who appealed to the Court of Justice only four received redress (EECR Spring 1995, 22).

Government officials denied any political motivation behind the dismissals (Adevarul 24 Jan. 1995).

A Law on Local Public Administration was adopted by parliament on 12 March 1996 (OMRI 14 Mar. 1996; EECR Spring-Summer 1996, 20). According to the law, prefects will no longer have the power to dismiss mayors (ibid.; OMRI 17 April 1996). According to the East European Constitutional Review, however, the new law offers "no real emancipation from central authorities, since local municipalities will still be unable to collect taxes and are not entitled to a share of the state budget in a manner proportional to their contribution" (Spring-Summer 1996, 20).

The Role of the Press

        The 1992 Law on Broadcast Media guarantees freedom of expression and forbids censorship; however, critics contend that the law could be "misused to muzzle the opposition. The bill forbids ... any 'defamation of the country and the nation' as well as the 'the dissemination of classified information'" (Transition 6 Oct. 1995, 52). The Law on the Organization and Functioning of the Romanian Radio and Television Companies, adopted in 1994, has also been controversial and, according to Transition, allegedly reflected the predominance of the Iliescu administration in the media (ibid.; ibid. 19 Apr. 1996, 42). In the fall of 1995 the Romanian parliament approved changes to the Romanian criminal code which make calumny with "'malicious intent'" a crime punishable with up to three years in prison (Reuters 25 Sept. 1995; OFR 30 Apr. 1996, 9; UPI 4 Oct. 1995; Romania Libera 30 Sept. 1995; RSF 1996, 344). Opposition leaders and media analysts claimed that the changes curb press freedom and attempt to stifle freedom of speech (Reuters 25 Sept. 1995; UPI 4 Oct. 1995; Romania Libera 30 Sept. 1995; see also RSF 1996, 344). They also accused the ruling PSDR of attempting to suffocate the press (Romania Libera 30 Sept. 1995).

In December 1995 a Romanian journalist was sentenced to three months in prison for calumny; the journalist had published two articles on the abuse of power of a Romanian mayor (Adevarul 7 Dec. 1995). Two or three other journalists were put on trial in 1995 for reporting that President Iliescu was recruited as a KGB informer during his student years in Moscow (UPI 4 Oct. 1995; RSF 1996, 344; La lettre de reporters sans frontieres July-Aug. 1995, 14; Current History Mar. 1996, 121; see also Transition 8 Sept. 1995, 36-39). Two of these journalists were convicted and sentenced to 12 and 14 month prison terms in October 1996 (AFP 29 Oct. 1996).

According to one source, the Romanian press can be divided into two sides: "publications subservient to the authorities or to various interest groups and independent publications" (Transition 6 Oct. 1995, 54; see also Reuters 31 Oct. 1996). Romanian national television was reportedly blatantly biased towards the Iliescu government (Transition 19 Apr. 1996, 42; Current History Mar. 1996, 121; Reuters 31 Oct. 1996). On Romania's national TVR stations "the [Iliescu] government enjoys a privileged position in broadcasting politically relevant news, commentaries, analysis, and debates, as well as in presenting the platforms of various parties and organizations" (Transition 19 Apr. 1996, 42; ibid. 6 Oct. 1995, 53; see also Reuters 31 Oct. 1996). Furthermore,

monitoring of TVR programs shows that reporting on Iliescu is 100 percent positive; on the cabinet, overwhelmingly good; on the parliament, and especially on the parliamentary opposition, mostly negative. This cannot but influence the audience, of which between 61 percent and 81 percent ... gets its information from TVR (Transition 19 Apr. 1996, 44).

National radio stations reportedly offer a more balanced analysis of current events than does state-run television (ibid. 6 Oct. 1995, 53). Despite this belief, however, an October 1996 article in Transition traces the growing control that the Iliescu government exerted over the Information and Synthesis Centre (RADOR), the radio news agency of the state-run Romanian Radio Company (SRR) (18 Oct. 1996, 40). In June 1996 a former senior employee of the propaganda and press department of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party was appointed head of RADOR, despite domestic and international protests that the move was "obviously rigged" and "an attempt to psychically constrain RADOR employees" (ibid.). For further information on this development and on censorship in Romanian national radio stations, please see the 18 October 1996 Transition attachment.

Role of the SRI

        A number of developments in 1995 and 1996 led observers to speculate that the power and influence of the successor organization to the Securitate, the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI), was gaining power and control (Transitions 26 May 1995, 20-22; Jane's Apr. 1996, 148-49; AFP 29 Sept. 1995; Globe and Mail 1 May 1996). According to The Guardian Weekly "the spirit and methods of the Securitate seem to live on, locked in a paranoid embrace with former communists in the Party for Social Democracy (PSDR)" (24 Nov. 1996, 5). Recent incidents and proposed legislation have, according to some reports, targeted freedom of expression, the independent media and the political opposition (AFP 8 Mar. 1995; Transition 26 May 1995; Jane's Apr. 1996, 148-49).

In the spring of 1995 the Romanian parliament debated a new Draft Bill on the Punishment of Terrorist Acts (Romanian Helsinki Committee 1995, 4; Transition 23 June 1995, 51-52). According to the Romanian Helsinki Committee, the draft bill "seriously jeopardise[s] human rights" (1995, 4). A Bucharest daily alleged that the bill "in fact legalises terror by the state against ordinary citizens by allowing surveillance, home searches, and wiretapping on the slightest suspicion of criminal behaviour" (Transition 23 June 1995, 52).

According to a Transition report, shortly after the debate on the draft bill the "Senate amended the criminal procedure code to facilitate the interception of suspicious telephone conversations" (ibid., 51). The opposition and the press warn that such "legislative initiatives could lead to a resurrection of the surveillance practices of the communist era" (ibid.). Country Reports 1995 notes reports of "opened mail, personal surveillance, and harassment" of citizens and foreign diplomats (1996, 984).

In early 1995 the wife of Horia-Roman Patapievice, a member of the independent Group for Social Dialogue and a recognised opposition figure, was informed by her neighbour that "a police officer had been asking about her husband's political views. The officer ... resorted to a classic Securitate-style trick to convince his 'source' to speak" (Transition 26 May 1995, 20; see also AFP 8 Mar. 1995). One of the most puzzling aspects of the Patapievice case, according to Transition "concerns which organization the overinquisitive officer came from" (Transition 26 May 1995, 20). Representatives of the SRI and of the Interior Ministry's intelligence unit, UM 0215, denied any involvement in the Patapievice case (ibid.). A Justice ministry official also denied that their ministry's special intelligence unit was involved in the incident (ibid.). "The [Romanian] public is becoming increasingly aware of the number of secret services currently operating in Romania - and beginning to wonder what exactly they are doing, and in whose name" (ibid.). A number of sources indicate that there are several legal and illegal secret intelligence organizations currently operating in Romania (ibid.; OMRI 20 June 1996; Evenimentul Zilei 20 May 1996; Rompres 19 June 1996; Ziua 7 Feb. 1996). Please see the attached 26 May 1995 Transition article for further details on the Patapievice case and on the existence of secret intelligence units in Romania.

In a separate incident in late 1994, Mihai Rzuan Ungurearu, a university lecturer, was reportedly harassed by an SRI officer (Transition 26 May 1996, 22). The officer suggested that Ungurearu's publications and research do not "serve 'the homeland's interests'" (ibid.). The officer attempted to recruit Ungurearu as an SRI informer (ibid.).

On 7 February 1996 the Senate debated and approved a draft of the Law Regarding the Protection of State and Professional Secrets (Jane's Apr. 1996; Radio Romania Network 7 Feb. 1996). This draft bill maintains that the "defence of the state secret is a legal obligation and a moral duty of all citizens of Romania" (Romanian Helsinki Committee 1995, 10). State secrets, according to the draft, are

information, data, documents, objects, and activities whose disclosure, transmission, unlawful appropriation, destruction, modification, or disappearance, as is the case, can jeopardize national security or state defense, or damage Romania's political, economical, technical, scientific, or interests of a different nature (ibid.).

Several articles of the draft bill give powers to the SRI which the Romanian Helsinki Committee feel are outside of its stated mandate of carrying out "activities that are necessary to the counteraction of 'any actions that, according to the law, pose a threat to national security'" (ibid., 10-14). The draft bill reportedly

seriously jeopardizes fundamental rights and freedoms, such as access to information, free circulation of information, freedom of expression presumption of innocence, etc. At the same time, the draft bill is an invitation for citizens to report each other to the authorities, while the SRI becomes a control body with functions that go beyond the competencies stipulated in the Law on the Organization and Functioning of the SRI (1995, 14).

Jane's Intelligence Review reported that journalists fear the proposed legislation "could be used to curtail freedom of expression" and quotes a German newspaper as stating that "the adoption of the law by Romania's Senate has brought that country 'a step closer to a totalitarian restoration'" (Apr. 1996, 148-49). Opposition party members believed the bill will encourage "snooping and informers" and in September 1995 opposition members boycotted debate on the bill in parliament (AFP 29 Sept. 1995). Iliescu government officials, however, believed the law is "'indispensable to get rid of the chaos that has reigned in this sector since 1989'" (ibid.). Please see the Romanian Helsinki Committee attachment for additional details on the draft secrets bill.

Finally, in May 1996 a scandal erupted in Romania over a tape that was played to Romanian politicians and journalists (RPR 25 May 1996; Reuters 13 May 1996). The SRI reportedly illegally recorded the private telephone conversations of a number of politicians and journalists (ibid.; The Guardian Weekly 24 Nov. 1996, 5; Evenimentul Zilei 16 May 1996). A SRI representative admitted that "the SRI has not been able to discontinue its Communist-era habit of listening in on private phone calls" (RPR 25 May 1996). The SRI director, however, denied that the SRI ever recorded the conversations (ibid.; Evenimentul Zilei 16 May 1996; Romanian Radio 15 May 1996). In a 24 November 1996 article The Guardian Weekly reported that "journalists and opposition politicians in Bucharest have become accustomed to clicks on their telephone lines, assuming them to be the hallmark of the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI)" (5).

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the DIRB within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

References

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_____. 7 December 1995. "Romania: Journalist Gets Prison Term for Calumny." (FBIS-EEU-96-017 25 Jan. 1996, 53)

_____. 24 January 1995. Aurel Stegarescu. "Official Denies 'Political Aspect' to Dismissals." (FBIS-EEU-95-019 30 Jan. 1995, 24)

Agence France Presse (AFP). 19 November 1996. "Final Results in Romania Give Constantinescu 54.4 percent." (NEXIS)

_____. 17 November 1996. "Urgent Constantinescu Wins Romania Election: TV." (NEXIS)

_____. 29 October 1996. "Media Group Protests Conviction of Romanian Journalists." (NEXIS)

_____. 29 September 1995. Mihaela Rodina. "Spectre of Feared Political Police Looms Over Romania." (NEXIS)

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_____. 8 March 1995. "Des intellectuels denoncent la resurgence d'une police politique en Roumanie." (NEXIS)

Camus, Jean-Yves et al. 1996. Extremism from the Atlantic to the Urals. Translated by Beatrice Pire and Danielle Vainunska. Paris: Éditions de l'Aube.

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1995. 1996. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office.

Current History [Philadelphia]. March 1996. Thomas Carothers. "Romania: Projecting the Positive."

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_____. Winter 1996. Vol. 5, No. 1. "Constitutional Review: Romania."

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______. 22 June 1996. "Romania: Change in the Air."

_____. 20 April 1996. "Romania: Nightmayors."

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_____. 30 October 1995. Chronologie: Roumanie. Givisiez: OFR.

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_____. 8 November 1996. Vol. 2. Dan Ionescu. "Final Results in Romanian Elections Released." (Internet mailing list: [email protected])

_____. 5 November 1996. Vol. 2. Zsolt Mato. "Post-Electoral Bargaining Begins in Romania." (Internet mailing list: [email protected])

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_____. 1 June 1995. Vol. 1, No. 106. Michael Shafir. "Report on the Dismissed Romanian Mayors." (Internet mailing list: [email protected])

_____. 24 January 1995. Vol. 1, No. 17. Michael Shafir. "Romanian Government Dismisses Mayors." (Internet mailing list: [email protected])

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_____. February 1996. "Romania: Senate Chairman Explains New Law on Secrets." (FBIS-EEU-96-028 9 Feb. 1996, 49-50).

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_____. 4 November 1996b. BC Cycle. Ron Popeski. "Romania Opposition Triumphs Over Ruling Leftists." (NEXIS)

_____. 31 October 1996. BC Cycle. Roxana Dascalu. "Romania's New Private Media Thrive on Election." (NEXIS)

_____. 13 May 1996. BC Cycle. "Politicians, Journalists Bugged in Romania Spy Row." (NEXIS)

_____. 16 February 1996. BC Cycle. "Romania Adopts New Law on Political Parties." (NEXIS)

_____. 13 November 1995. BC Cycle. "Wife of Romania's Exiled King Mobbed by Well-Wishers." (NEXIS)

_____. 26 October 1995. BC Cycle. "Bucharest Court Rejects Ex-King's Citizenship." (NEXIS)

_____. 25 September 1995. BC Cycle. "Romania Opposition Lashes Out at New Press Curbs." (NEXIS)

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_____. 25 May 1996. Vol. 2, No. 54. David Wingrove and Cristina Balan. "Spy Chief May Resign Over Taped Phone Calls."

_____. 18 December 1995. Vol. 1, No. 37/38. "Political Parties in Romania."

_____. 30 October 1995. Vol. 1, No. 31/32. Micaela S. Grigore. "The Composition of the Former Ruling Coalition."

Romanian Radio [Bucharest, in Romanian]. 15 May 1996. "Internal Affairs; Intelligence Chief Denies Knowledge of Phonetapping Operation." (BBC Summary 16 May 1996/NEXIS)

Rompres News Agency [Bucharest, in English]. 19 June 1996. "Internal Affairs; Secret Service Chief Denies Illegal Phone Tapping." (BBC Summary 20 June 1996/NEXIS)

Transition: Events and Issues in the Former Soviet Union and East-Central Europe and Southeastern Europe [Prague]. 18 October 1996. Vol. 2, No. 21. Dan Ionescu. "Former Communists on the March at Romanian National Radio."

_____. 12 July 1996a. Vol. 2, No. 14. Michael Shafir. "Political Engineering and Democratization in New Law on Parties."

_____. 12 July 1996b. Vol. 2, No. 14. Victor Gomez. "Romania: Local Victories for the Opposition."

_____. 19 April 1996. Vol. 2, No. 8. Dan Ionescu. "Tele-Revolution to Tele-Evolution in Romania."

_____. 12 January 1996. Vol. 2, No. 1. Tom Gallagher. "Nationalism and the Romanian Opposition."

_____. 6 October 1995. Vol. 1, No. 18. Dan Ionescu. "Romanian Media's Independence Struggles."

_____. 8 September 1995. Vol. 1, No. 16. Dan Ionescu. "The President, The Journalists, and the KGB."

_____. 25 August 1995. Vol. 1, No. 15. Michael Shafir. "The 'Centrepetfugal' Process of Unifying the Liberals."

_____. 23 June 1995. Vol. 1, No. 10. Dan Ionescu. "Falling Prey to Terrorism - Of All Kinds."

_____. 26 May 1995. Vol. 1, No. 8. Dan Ionescu. "Big Brother is Still Watching."

_____. 14 April 1995. Vol. 1, No. 5. Michael Shafir. "Ruling Party Formalises Relations with Extremists."

Uncaptive Minds [Washington, DC]. Spring 1995. Vol. 8, No. 1. Liviu Man. "The Crisis of Opposition in Romania."

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Xinhua News Agency. 20 January 1995. "Four Major Romanian Parties Sign Political Accord." (NEXIS)

Ziua [Bucharest, in Romanian]. 7 February 1996. Catalin Varzaru. "Romania: SIE Director Will Have Ministerial Rank." (FBIS-EEU-96-033 16 Feb. 1996, 38)

Attachments

The Europa World Year Book 1995. 1995. Vol. 2. London: Europa Publications, pp. 2551-52.

Monitorul Oficial [Bucharest, in Romanian]. 29 April 1996. Part 1, No. 87. "Romania: Law on Political Parties." (FBIS-EEU-96-106 31 May 1996, 54-61)

Political Handbook of the World: 1994-1995. 1995. Edited by Arthur S. Banks. New York: CSA Publications, pp. 720-26.

Romanian Helsinki Committee. 1995. Human Rights Developments in Romania The Activities of the Romanian Helsinki Committee (APADOR-CH) 1995 Report. Bucharest: APADOR-CH, pp. 8-15.

Transition: Events and Issues in the Former Soviet Union and East-Central Europe and Southeastern Europe [Prague]. 18 October 1996. Vol. 2, No. 21. Dan Ionescu. "Former Communists on the March at Romanian National Radio," pp. 40-41.

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