What are Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDRs) and the Civil Defence Organization (CDO) in Ghana?

1.   INTRODUCTION TO THE ORIGINS AND MANDATE: CDRs AND THE CDO

In theory, the CDRs, the CDO and the militia are purported to be different organizations performing different functions. In practice, however, their activities overlap, leading to conflicts among these groups (West Africa 16-22 July 1990, 2125). Operations within the CDRs and the CDO vary tremendously throughout the country. Units of the CDRs and the CDO located away from the headquarters of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) have been left to decide for themselves how to translate their revolutionary fervour into policy and action (Ray 1986, 84; Professor at U. of Maryland 17 Oct. 1990).

Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDRs), formerly known as Defence Committees, were formed in December 1984 following the creation of the Civil Defence Organization (CDO) in June of the same year (Legum 1986, B455). The Libyan-inspired People's Defence Committee (PDC) and Worker's Defence Committee (WDC) were reconstituted into the CDRs in a government effort to bring them under control and stop their widely-reported abuses (Copely 1989, 415; New African Jan. 1986, 68; Diamond et al. 1988, 117). The CDO, made up of trained and armed cadres, was formed after militant cadres of the former Defence Committees effectively helped stop armed dissident activities in 1983 and 1984 (Legum 1988, B32).

The main objectives of the CDRs and the CDO are to inform and involve all Ghanaian people in the economic, social and political policies of the government and to monitor the implementation of government programmes and policies (AfricAsia July 1986, 31; Keesing's 1989 1989, 35: 36543). The CDO, through its armed militia, was to "help the government implement socioeconomic program[me]s" (People's Daily Graphic 27 May 1987, 29). It was also to assist the military in mobilizing and organizing the people in defending the country against political, social and economic emergencies and natural disasters (BBC Summary 26 June 1987; People's Daily Graphic 27 May 1987, 29). Both the CDRs and the CDO militiamen were vested by the government with responsibility for preventing dissident activities and smuggling in the border areas and in assisting security agencies (BBC Summary 6 May 1987; West Africa 17-23 Apr. 1989, 621). The CDR structure, made up of eleven regional secretaries, eighty-eight district secretaries and five hundred zonal offices, currently parallels that of the government (Keesing's 1989 1989, 35: 36543).

2.             MEMBERSHIP AND RECRUITMENT

Members of the CDRs and the CDO are known as "cadres." Unlike the former Defence Committees, membership in a CDR is open to "all persons, irrespective of their social origins, religion... with the exception of people involved in political or economic sabotage of the revolution of 31st December 1981" (AfricAsia July 1986, 31). Membership in the Civil Defence Organization is "restricted to militant patriots from revolutionary organs and progressive voluntary associations" (People's Daily Graphic 27 May 1987, 29). In 1989, membership of the unemployed in the CDO was banned (West Africa 5-11 June 1989, 941). In June 1988, as an indication of the relationship between the CDRs and the CDO, the CDRs were given the task of vetting candidates for membership in the CDO (Keesing's 1989 1989, 35: 36543).

A CUSO official with field experience in Ghana reports that people were indirectly forced to join both the PDCs\WDCs and later, the CDRs\CDO. Refusal to do so could engender the label "counter-revolutionary" (CUSO 7 June 1989; Dalhousie U. 2 Oct. 1990). The consequences of such labelling may have resulted in and may continue to result in beatings, arrest, or loss of personal property, money, employment and access to essential commodities (CUSO 7 June 1989; Dalhousie U. 2 Oct. 1990). "If one wanted to quit the CDRs or the CDO, they would have to conceal their reasons by citing sickness or relocation, in order to avoid being seen as a counter-revolutionary" (Dalhousie U. 2 Oct. 1990). Another scholarly source states that although the likelihood of being coerced into the CDRs and the CDO today is fairly low in the more urbanized areas, the same may not be said of the countryside (Professor at U. of Toronto 5 Oct. 1990).

Quitting after one has gained access to "inside information" on the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) or CDRs\CDO may be considered a very grave act and, if so, can result in harassment by the government (Professor at U. of Maryland 17 Oct. 1990).

3.                ACTIVITIES OF THE CDRs AND CDO

The atmosphere within which the CDRs and the CDO operate is affected by certain PNDC laws. These include the Preventative Custody Law, which allows for indefinite detention without trial and which is used extensively against critics of the PNDC, and the Habeas Corpus Amendment Law, which undermines the Habeas Corpus Act. Other restrictive laws are the Newspaper Licensing Law, which has been used effectively to stifle the independent press and the Religious Bodies Registration Law which limits the freedom of conscience and religion (West Africa 30 July-5 Aug. 1990, 2208). Citizens' rights to protection under the law have, therefore, been further undermined by the militancy and power of the CDRs and the CDO (Anglican Church of Canada 15 Oct. 1990). A professor from the University of Maryland has noted that CDR/CDO courts, formerly known as PDC\WDC courts, still exist at the local district levels in every region of the country. This information is corroborated by the head of the CDO, who, in 1989, publicly regretted the continued existence of these unauthorized courts (West Africa 17-23 Apr. 1989, 621). According to two sources, Amnesty International's assessment of former PDC\WDC courts regarding how they "meted out justice according to no established legal procedures" and imposed fines "which they evidently kept for their personal use" is relevant today (Amnesty International July 1983, 4; Professor at U. of Maryland 17 Oct. 1990).

The CDRs and the CDO have organized revolutionary and ideological education at local levels and have been responsible for community mobilization, decision-making, distribution of scarce goods and determination and setting of prices while acting as communications links between the people and the government (Ray 1986, 82-83). The CDRs also have the authority to levy taxes for specific community development projects (BBC Summary 9 Feb. 1988; Professor at U. of Maryland 17 Oct. 1990). Some CDO militiamen reportedly seize animals and impose unauthorized fines on their owners (People's Daily Graphic 27 May 1987). At other times, members of the CDO militia assume the role of tax-collectors (West Africa 16-22 July 1990, 2125).

Due to their limited accountability, wide discretionary powers and habitual abuses, the members of the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution and the Civil Defence Organization are constantly reminded by the authorities "to expose the bad nuts amongst them" and not to undermine the ethics of the revolution (People's Daily Graphic 27 May 1987, 29; West Africa 3-9 Sept. 1990, 2409). In defence of the revolution, the CDRs and the CDO are responsible for quashing dissidence and for preventing smuggling in the border areas in cooperation with security agencies but they are not responsible for taking on the duties of the security agencies as they have been known to do in the past (BBC Summary 6 May 1987; West Africa 17-23 Apr. 1989, 621; West Africa 26 Mar.-1 Apr. 1990, 515). According to the U.S. Department of State Country Reports 1989 security agencies "occasionally take persons into custody, with or without a warrant, and hold them incommunicado for extended periods of time" (Country Reports 1989 1990, 138). Local CDRs have been portrayed as "neighbourhood watch committees" who have contributed to the creation of a "culture of silence" in Ghana (Ibid., 140-141).

A 1987 report indicates that CDR members have called community meetings to discuss the movements of recent visitors within their areas in an effort "to uncover those whose activities are not in the interest of the revolution" (BBC Summary 14 Feb. 1987). The CDO and the police were instructed to ensure compliance with the June 1989 PNDC directive which put a "freeze" on the activities of the Jehovah's Witnesses and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (BBC Summary 16 June 1989).

In early 1989, the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution were authorized to identify potential candidates for the elections to the newly-created district assemblies and to monitor the implementation of government programmes and policies after the elections (Keesing's 1989 1989, 35: 36543). Flight Lieutenant Rawlings, chairman of the PNDC, had earlier declared that worthy individuals deemed as possible candidates for the elections could be "forced" to run by community pressure led by the CDRs (West Africa 25 Jan. 1988, 46). Since the creation of the District Assemblies, conflicts between the assemblies and the CDRs have resulted in the continued support of the CDRs by the PNDC. The PNDC maintains that "the very existence" of the assemblies depends upon the strength and dynamism of the CDRs (Africa Confidential 26 Jan. 1990, 7).

In 1988, as a result of the continued lack of discipline demonstrated by the CDRs and the CDO cadres, the government dismissed several CDR members and confiscated weapons from the CDO cadres within the capital city of Accra (Keesing's 1989 1989, 35: 36543). Following these dismissals and the reorganization of the CDO, a further change to the CDRs was announced, namely, the implementation of a new selection system for the CDR leadership at the local, district and regional levels, placing final approval in the PNDC's hands (BBC Summary 24 May 1988; Keesing's 1989 1989, 35: 36543). In spite of these changes and disciplinary measures, a visiting foreign missionary was arrested by CDR militiamen in December 1988 for an unknown reason. While the militiamen were guarding the missionary, CDR members seized his car and drove it for over 800 km. Two days later, high-ranking officials of the CDRs released the visitor, returned his belongings and dismissed the cadres responsible (Amnesty International 16 Oct. 1990). Another case of indiscipline occurred in Brong Ahafo when five executive CDR members were fined by the Regional Public Tribunal for tying up and beating a local farmer who had refused to pay a fine they had imposed on him for his alleged theft of yams (West Africa 3-9 Sept. 1990, 2409).

Harassment in the workplace constitutes another of the CDR's alleged activities. CDR members have, on the basis of allegations and suspicions, monitored, investigated and accused workers and management of being counter-revolutionaries, resulting in loss of employment or promotion. In addition, workers and managers have been allegedly framed on charges of corruption and hoarding and brought before a tribunal where judges "shortcut legal safeguards and due process to provide `rough and ready justice'" (CUSO 7 June 1989, 16 Oct. 1990; Country Reports 1989 1990, 139).

4.               CURRENT SITUATION

During the mid-1980s, CDR members were often so critical of pre-revolutionary organizations or businesses, that their managers were sometimes falsely accused of corruption. CDR cadres also used their position and power to settle old scores. As vanguards of the revolution, many felt they were entitled to reward themselves by reportedly taking essential commodities such as food, medication, mechanical parts and scarce goods destined for delivery to stores or organizations (CUSO 16 Oct. 1990).

With regard to the current situation, a source suggests that the abuse of power by CDR militiamen occurs less frequently today (Ibid.). However, a priest with extensive experience in Ghana reports that although the more drastic acts of the early Defence Committees (the forerunners of the CDRs and the CDO) such as dropping people from helicopters into the ocean have stopped, the actions of present-day CDRs and the CDO continue to include intimidation and invoke insecurity and fear. Further, these groups include some "uneducated ruffians" who abuse their power and engage in "rough and ready justice," sometimes on the strength of a rumour. Their actions include beatings, arrests and other forms of repression. They have been known to take money, watches, clothes, furniture, appliances etc., found during their activities, which include house-searches (Anglican Church of Canada 15 Oct. 1990).

CDRs are reported to engage in forced entry into homes and monitoring of telephones and mail during security investigations (Country Reports 1989 1990, 140). On one occasion, a foreign visitor talking to a vendor at a market was interrogated by a CDR member wanting to know the topic of their conversation (Anglican Church of Canada 15 Oct. 1990). On another occasion, a CDO militiaman shot and wounded four people following an argument he had with a market toll collector (BBC Summary 24 May 1988).

Members of the CDRs and the CDO have also been reported to misuse their positions to extort money from citizens for their own personal use. Most members are not paid as government employees. This fact, combined with the power they wield, their lack of accountability and the lack of a free and vigilant press are among the factors which make extortion a tempting source of income (Boyle 1988, 27; Country Reports 1989 1990, 140; Howard U. 1 Oct. 1990). A professor at the University of Maryland maintains that members of the CDRs and the CDO are paid indirectly, in that their positions provide them with access to relatively well-paying jobs (Professor at U. of Maryland

17 Oct. 1990).

According to some sources, in the latter half of the 1980s the increased accountability that has been brought to bear on the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution and the members of the Civil Defence Organization by the PNDC has resulted in a decline of abuses (CUSO 16 Oct. 1990; Professor at U. of Toronto 5 Oct. 1990). However, others maintain that the power accorded to members of the CDRs and the CDO is still abused at the expense of unprotected civilians (Africa Confidential 26 Jan. 1990; Dalhousie U. 2 Oct. 1990).

The PNDC has been organizing seminars throughout the country on Ghana's political future that are meant to "reach a consensus on a system of government" designed to prevent further coups d'etat (West Africa 8-14 Oct. 1990, 2628). Several political, academic, legal and labour groups have stated that full or meaningful participation in the country's political life is not possible while various PNDC restrictions on legal rights, freedom of speech, association and religion continue to exist.

The Movement for Freedom and Justice, a new non-political organization campaigning for the restoration of democratic and fundamental human rights and an end to all forms of dictatorship and "domination" was founded in August 1990 (West Africa 13-19 Aug. 1990, 2288). It asked for the opportunity "to organize and advance its objectives without state security harassment and repression" (Ibid.). Besides the return to constitutional law, groups have asked for the "full separation of powers involving an independent judiciary free from executive or legislative interference" (West Africa 8-14 Oct. 1990, 2628).

According to the U.S. Department of State's Country Reports 1989, although the PNDC has largely restored order following the "revolutionary excess in 1982 and 1983," there continue to be "significant human rights problems...with summary arrest and detention," sometimes resulting in incarceration without formal charges (Country Reports 1989 1990, 137). Internal security remains a major concern of the PNDC, as is evident in its continuing requests for dedication and vigilance of the CDRs and the CDO members in aiding police and other security agencies to maintain law and order (West Africa 27 Aug.-2 Sept. 1990, 2372).

5.             BIBLIOGRAPHY

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