Slovak Republic: Situation of Roma, including employment, housing, education, health care and political participation; government efforts to integrate Roma (2012-May 2016)
Publisher | Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada |
Publication Date | 13 June 2016 |
Citation / Document Symbol | SVK105533.E |
Related Document(s) | Slovaquie : information sur la situation des Roms, y compris dans les domaines de l'emploi, du logement, de l'éducation, des soins de santé et de la participation politique; les efforts du gouvernement en vue d'intégrer les Roms (2012-mai 2016) |
Cite as | Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Slovak Republic: Situation of Roma, including employment, housing, education, health care and political participation; government efforts to integrate Roma (2012-May 2016), 13 June 2016, SVK105533.E, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/577b77544.html [accessed 3 November 2019] |
Disclaimer | This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. |
Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa
1. Overview
The 2011 census administered by the Slovak government indicated that there were approximately 105,000 Roma in Slovakia, a number much lower than non-official estimates (REF 2014, 4; US 13 Apr. 2016, 22), which range from 350,000 to 500,000 (ibid.). According to the Atlas of Romani Communities, a project in partnership with the UN Development Program (UNDP) financed by the Slovak Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs and Family [1], there are 402,840 Roma in Slovakia, accounting for 7.45 percent of the population (REF 2014, 4).
A report by the Roma Education Fund (REF), an NGO whose mission is "to close the gap in education outcomes between Roma and non-Roma," and to finance education projects and programs for Roma (REF n.d.), indicates that there are different sub-ethnic groups of Roma: Slovak Roma account for 66 percent of the Romani population and are located primarily in Eastern Slovakia; the second largest group, Hungarian Roma, reside primarily in the south; other sub-groups include Vlach Roma and Sinti (REF 2014, 7). The same source notes that the majority of Roma in Slovakia speak a form of the Romanes language (ibid.). According to the Council of Europe's (COE) European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), Roma live primarily in the Prešov, Košice and Banská Bystrica regions, which are the poorest regions in Slovakia (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 24). According to Agence France-Presse (AFP), approximately 20 percent of Roma live in "abject poverty" (6 Apr. 2016). Sources also indicate that Roma in Slovakia face "widespread" discrimination (AI 2016; US 13 Apr. 2016, 25).
2. Employment
Sources indicate that there are high rates of unemployment among Roma (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 27; TOL 12 Feb. 2015; US 13 Apr. 2016, 31). According to the REF, the amount of unemployed Roma has been growing, and represents a large portion of Slovakia's long-term unemployed population (REF 2014, 8). Transitions Online (TOL), an NGO that publishes an online magazine that "covers political, cultural, and economic issues in the former communist countries of Europe and Central Asia" (TOL n.d.), quotes the Slovak Finance Ministry's Financial Policy Institute (IFP) as stating that less than 17 percent of Roma have full-time jobs, compared to 60 percent of Slovaks (TOL 12 Feb. 2015). Romea, a Czech-based media website that reports on "events in the Romani world" (Romea n.d.), reports that 20 percent of Roma men are employed (Romea 31 July 2014). According to the US Department of State's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2015, approximately 80-90 percent of Roma in "socially excluded communities" are unemployed (US 13 Apr. 2016, 31).
In addition to the effects of poor access to education, ECRI attributes the high unemployment rate among Roma to: "poor support in job search by [the] labour office; programmes of vocational training not suited for long-term unemployed persons like the Roma; and the reluctance of employers to employ Roma despite wage subsidies" (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 27). According to TOL, the IFP has also stated that there is "'extensive discrimination [i]n the labour market'" towards Roma (TOL 12 Feb. 2015). Sources report that the IFP tested workplace bias in 2014 by creating fictitious resumes--half with Roma names and half with non-Roma names; the non-Roma ones were asked for an interview 40 percent of the time, while the ones with Roma names were asked for an interview 18 percent of the time (ibid.; US 13 Apr. 2016, 31). Country Reports 2015 states that, according to NGOs who work with Roma, many Roma job applicants who are successful in the initial phase of an employment selection process are ultimately rejected once the employer learns that the applicant is Roma (ibid.).
Sources report that Slovakia has cut social benefits of 61.6 Euros (EUR) [approximately C$90] per person if the individual does not participate in work that is offered to him or her (TASR 10 July 2014; Decade of Roma Inclusion 2013, 17). According to an article by the Slovak news agency Tlacova Agentura Slovenskej Republiky (TASR), this law went into effect on 1 July 2014, and requires beneficiaries to carry out 32 hours of "voluntary or minor maintenance work" in their communities, such as street cleaning or upkeep of village parks (TASR 10 July 2014). The article notes that according to the mayor of one village, Roma men within his jurisdiction were unwilling to carry out the work due to shame (ibid.). The Decade of Roma Inclusion [2] further quotes Roma-rights NGOs as noting that this act violates the ban against forced labour and the right to material provision (Decade of Roma Inclusion 2013, 17).
3. Housing
In correspondence with the Research Directorate, an official of the Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Ottawa provided the following statistics from the 2013 Atlas of Roma Communities on the types of communities in which Roma live:
46.5 percent of the Roma population live mixed with non-Roma;
12.9 percent of Roma live in settlements inside municipalities;
23.8 percent of Roma live in settlements on the edges of municipalities;
17 percent of Roma live in segregated settlements [distances ranging from 900 meters to 7 kilometres] (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016).
The same source notes that of 584 municipalities, there are 153 in which the Roma population lives in segregated communities with no non-Roma cohabitants (ibid.).
Concerning the types of housing in which Roma reside, the official provided the following information from the 2013 Atlas:
10,411 apartments in 1,531 buildings, of which 4,936 are of "'lower standard'";
8,722 brick houses (registered);
3,679 brick houses (not-registered);
986 unfinished brick houses;
196 wood houses (registered);
700 wood houses (not registered);
4,134 shacks;
528 prefabricated cabins;
60 caravans;
62 apartments in non-registered buildings (ibid.).
Sources state that some Roma communities lack clean drinking water (ibid.; TASR 5 Jan. 2015). According to the 2013 Atlas, 11 percent of Roma households do not have access to running water and 188 settlements in 152 municipalities are not connected to a public water pipeline (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016). The same source indicates that 45 percent of Roma dwellings are not connected to a sewage system, cesspool or domestic wastewater treatment equipment (ibid.). Romea further notes that many Roma settlements contain "environmental hazards, including toxic industrial waste, rubbish tips, floods and intermingling of waste and drinking water" (Romea 22 Jan. 2016).
Sources indicate that 14 walls and barriers have been erected to segregate Roma neighbourhoods from non-Roma neighbourhoods (ibid.; COE 16 Sept. 2014, 28; ibid. 13 Oct. 2015, 18). Romea quotes information provided by the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) as stating that most of these walls were either directly commissioned or funded by municipalities (Romea 22 Jan. 2016). These types of walls were reportedly built in Košice in 2013 (ibid. 31 July 2014; COE 13 Oct. 2015, 18) and in Partizánske, Zlaté Moravce and Sered in 2012 (ibid.). ECRI notes that there have been a number of protest marches organized by Slovaks who are against including Roma settlements in urban areas populated by non-Roma (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 28).
According to ECRI, the housing situation for Roma in the Slovak Republic has "worsened recently" (ibid.). An article by Romea explains that many Roma built their homes a long time ago on state-owned land with approval from authorities, but after 20 years of decentralization and privatization, many of these areas are now owned by individuals, companies or municipalities, who can initiate eviction proceedings against the Roma who live there (Romea 22 Jan. 2016). The Council of Europe's Commissioner for Human Rights similarly stated that "[f]ollowing a process of land privatisation, as well as decentralisation, in the past two decades, lands previously owned by the state have been transferred to private persons or municipalities, who often initiate demolition and eviction procedures against Roma" (COE 13 Oct. 2015, 17). According to Country Reports 2015, more than 3,000 Roma were evicted from their homes between 2010 and 2013, but fewer than 1,000 were provided with alternative housing; consequently, homelessness is a growing problem amongst Roma (US 13 Apr. 2015, 26). The source further notes that local authorities have evicted Roma and demolished their apartments or dwellings, including the demolition of apartment buildings in the Lunik IX housing project in Košice in August 2014; many of the evictees went to improvised settlements that lacked basic utilities, such as heat and running water (ibid., 25). TASR also reports on the demolition of an apartment building in Lunik IX in August 2014; according to the mayor of Košice, 30 families had previously lived in the building, but none had obtained a valid contract (TASR 10 Aug. 2014). AFP describes the Lunik IX housing project as an "urban wasteland," sheltering 6,000 people in overcrowded large concrete apartment blocks where utilities--including heat, electricity, gas and/or running water--were cut off more than a decade earlier due to unpaid bills (6 Apr. 2016).
According to Romea, more than 30 percent of Roma live in informal settlements without construction permits or legal entitlement to the land (Romea 22 Jan. 2016). The same source states that
[t]he existing legal framework offering protection against forced evictions is neither adequate nor comprehensive. The Slovak Building Act allows the municipality to order the demolition of houses that were built without a building permit. The process of legalization is complicated to the point of impossible, unbearably costly of the poorer families and subject to the prejudices and whims of the Building Office. (ibid.)
Romea also reports that there are no laws that prohibit forced evictions in winter without providing alternative accommodations (ibid.).
For further information about housing for Roma in the Slovak Republic, see Response to Information Request SVK104920.
4. Education
According to sources, there is a problem with Roma children being segregated in separate classrooms, separate schools, or placed in "special schools" (US 13 Apr. 2016, 26-27; COE 13 Oct. 2015, 15; ERRC and Poradna 2016, 6), including those for children with disabilities (ibid.). ECRI notes that "[d]espite the ban on ethnic segregation guaranteed by the Anti-[d]iscrimination Act and the School Act, de facto segregation continues to be practiced" (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 34). In a joint report submitted to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, the ERRC and the Center for Civil and Human Rights (Poradna) state that segregation of Roma in education is an "everyday practice" in the Slovak Republic (ERRC and Poradna 2016, 7).
According to ERRC and Poradna, there are four public interest court cases involving discrimination of Roma in education: two involving Roma in segregated schools; one involving a settlement in which 90 percent of all Roma children living there were placed in special classes for people with intellectual disabilities; and one involving a school district that concentrated all the Roma children into a separate school (ibid., 7-8).
Sources report that the European Commission (EC) launched proceedings against Slovakia in April 2015 due to the discrimination of Roma children within the education system (ibid., 6; Romea 2 May 2015; AI et al. 9 June 2015). Sources further indicate that following the announcement of EC proceedings, the Slovak government justified placing a high number of Roma children in schools and classes for children with mental disabilities by stating that there is a higher level of disorders among Roma due to incest (ibid.; COE 13 Oct. 2015, 17). According to sources, following the announcement, the Slovak government adopted an amendment to the Schools Act aimed at eliminating segregation in the school system (AI 2016; ERRC and Poradna 2016, 6). However, ERRC and Poradna describe the amendment as "highly insufficient," and noted that the changes would not secure equal education for Roma "if not accompanied by any concrete and sustainable de-segregation policies and measures" (ibid.). Amnesty International (AI) similarly indicates that "[w]hile the amendment prioritizes integration in mainstream schools and provides financial incentives for schools educating pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds, it does not contain any provisions for eliminating ethnic discrimination against Roma" (AI 2016).
ECRI quotes Slovak authorities as indicating that 30 percent of Roma attend special schools for children with mental disabilities (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 34). In 2013, the Slovak Ombudsperson investigated the situation of Roma being placed in special schools in 21 schools in Slovakia (Slovak Republic Aug. 2013, 8). In this area of the Slovak Republic, 88.6 percent of the children entering the special schools for the 2013-14 school year were Roma, which accounted for 42 percent of the Roma children; in comparison, 20 percent of non-Roma children were entering the special schools investigated (ibid.). According to ECRI, misplacement of Roma in special schools "seriously affects Roma children's future education and employment opportunities" (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 34). The Ombudsperson's report similarly stated that once a child is placed in a special class or special school, it is "practically impossible" to complete a full vocational or general/technical secondary education (Slovak Republic Aug. 2013, 8).
AI reports that, despite a 2012 court ruling, which found that Slovakia discriminated against Roma children by segregating them in different classes in the north-eastern Kezmarok region of the Slovak Republic, segregation continued in 2015, and was becoming "more severe" (AI 13 Mar. 2015). The same source explains that this was due, in part, to the introduction of "container schools"--schools made from cheaper materials resembling "shipping containers"--which were being placed in Roma settlements as a "quick fix to the problem of low school capacities and the high number of incoming, mainly Roma, pupils" (ibid.). AI notes that the effect of placing these container schools directly in Roma settlements results in "ethnic segregation" and cutting Roma children off from the rest of society (ibid.). Sources indicate that non-Roma families sometimes withdraw their children from schools attended by Roma children (COE 13 Oct. 2015, para. 84) or enrol them in non-Roma schools further away (AI 13 Mar. 2015).
In correspondence with the Research Directorate, an official at the Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Ottawa noted that, at the initiative of the government's 2013 Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities, in 2014, the government built nine "modular schools" in areas where there was insufficient capacity for Roma children, three in the district of Kezmarok, two in the district of Revuca, and one each in districts of Presov, Sabinov, Stara Lubovna, and Senac (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016).
According to the 2014 REF report, in addition to the issues of segregation and over-representation of Roma in special education, other "significant weaknesses" affecting the quality of education for Roma in Slovakia include lower participation of Roma children in preschool programs compared to the European average, and lower educational achievement of Roma compared to non-Roma (REF 2014, 5). TOL indicates that Roma in the Slovak Republic have an average of four years less schooling than their Slovak counterparts (TOL 12 Feb. 2015). According to COE's Commissioner of Human Rights, 15-20 percent of Roma students finish grade 9 and continue with secondary school (COE 13 Oct. 2015, para. 88).
5. Health Care
REF indicates that "since 1990, the overall health status of the Roma population has been deteriorating" (REF 2014, 9). According to ECRI, many Roma experience "poor health conditions," caused by "reduced access to health insurance, lower child vaccination rates, difficult access to medical services and affordability of healthcare" (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 29).
Sources indicate that many Roma experience health consequences as a result of poor sanitation conditions in their communities (Romea 22 Jan. 2016; TASR 5 Jan. 2015). Some communities have problems caused by rodents, cockroaches and bugs, such as lice or bedbugs (TASR 11 May 2015). According to REF, some health problems in Roma communities include hepatitis, bacillary dysentery and respiratory infections (REF 2014, 9). According to Slovakia's Health Minister, health risks that Roma face include chickenpox, hepatitis A and other infectious diseases (qtd. in TASR 11 May 2015). According to TASR, a medical study carried out in 12 settlements in Eastern Slovakia found that 12.5 percent of the Roma residents in these settlements had hepatitis B, and 53 percent either still had the virus in their body or had contracted the virus in the past (TASR 5 June 2014).
According to the joint report by the ERRC and Poradna, Roma women and children face discriminatory treatment by medical staff and segregation in hospitals, including in the maternity wards in Presov, Spisska Nova Ves and Kosice, where Roma women and girls are kept in different rooms and have to use separate bathrooms than non-Roma patients (ERRC and Poradna 2016, 8-9). The same sources report that many Roma women and girls have been subject to verbal abuse and violence, such as slaps, by medical staff (ibid,, 9).
6. Political Participation
Sources indicate that Peter Pollak, the first Roma representative in the parliament, was elected in the 2012 parliamentary election (Slovak Republic 7 May 2015, para. 164; REF 2014, 10). However, he was not re-elected in the March 2016 election (TASR 4 Apr. 2016; AFP 6 Apr. 2016).
According to REF, there is "weak" political representation of Roma and Roma political parties are "rather powerless organs" (REF 2014, 10). The same source notes that Roma lack political representation at the regional level but participate in some elected municipal bodies (ibid.). REF indicates that there are Roma mayors in the Roma-majority settlements of Jarovnice, Podhorany and Svinia (ibid., 11).
According to Freedom House, Roma are
underrepresented in party politics and public administration. The three officially registered Romany political parties are weak and politically insignificant. Vote buying and clientelist practices that target the Roma minority are common, with politicians from mainstream parties directly paying cash for votes or bribing Roma leaders to deliver their constituencies. (Freedom House 2015, 610)
7. Government Efforts to Integrate and Improve Conditions for Roma
Sources indicate that Slovakia has a national Roma Integration Strategy (NRIS) up to 2020 (Decade of Roma Inclusion 2013, 9; COE 16 Sept. 2014, 25), which was a requirement for all EU states (ibid.). Slovakia's NRIS is attached to this Response.
According to a 2013 civil society monitoring report, Roma and non-Roma NGOs report "insufficient participation" in the implementation, monitoring and assessment of the NRIS in Slovakia (Decade of Roma Inclusion 2013, 9). The same source reports that the government was supposed to prepare action plans by 12 March 2012, but that none were prepared or approved in 2013 (ibid., 12). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, an official of the Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Ottawa indicated that in December 2014, the Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities established a consultative commission to review, update, monitor and evaluate the NRIS, as well as to create and implement action plans for the NRIS (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016). The same source noted that, as of May 2016, the revised NRIS and action plans were "in the legislative process, in inter-ministerial approval" (ibid.). According to ECRI, there is "no part of the national budget specifically earmarked for the NRIS," which relies almost exclusively on EU funds (COE 16 Sept. 2014, para. 83).
ECRI reports that the Slovak government introduced a program using social workers in Roma settlements to act as health mediators with local hospitals to increase awareness and participation in vaccination, birth-control, patients' rights and insurance (ibid., 29). The program resulted in greater rates of vaccination in the Banska Bystrica, Kosice and Presov regions (ibid.). The program was interrupted in 2012 due to budget cuts, but it resumed and there were plans to expand it (ibid.). According to the 2013 civil society monitoring report for the Decade of Roma Inclusion, the number of health assistants and coordinators was increased from 30 to 120, with plans to increase the number to 270 (Decade of Roma Inclusion 2013, 19).
According to a report submitted by Slovak authorities to the UN Human Rights Council in 2015 regarding the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Slovak government initiated a project called "'Healthy Communities'" in 2013 targeting marginalized Roma communities with the purpose of improving
communication between the community and healthcare providers, trust in the healthcare system, elimination of barriers preventing access to healthcare, improvement of the hygienic standards, increase of the total number of preventive medical examinations, increased number of women attending pregnancy centers and increased participation in the compulsory vaccination of children. (Slovak Republic 7 May 2015, para. 162)
The same source indicates that the program received 750,000 EUR [approximately C$1.09 million] in the first two quarters of 2014, and was extended to another 36 localities (ibid., para. 163). These services were reportedly provided by 160 healthcare assistants to more than 100,000 individuals in marginalized Roma communities (ibid.). TASR reported in May 2015 that, according to Slovakia's Health Minister, the "Healthy Communities" project was employing 208 health education assistants working in 195 communities in the regions of Banska Bystrica, Presov, Kosice and Zilina, servicing 230,000 Roma (TASR 11 May 2015). The same article reports that the project received 3.3 million EUR of funding as of 2015, and that the Health Minister planned for the program to be supported until at least 2022 (ibid.).
According to the report submitted to the UN Human Rights Council, the Slovak government's Ministry of Education provided funding to NGOs for projects aimed at improving education for Roma: in 2012, they provided 60,500 EUR in funding for 23 projects; in 2013, they provided 52,437 EUR for 16 projects; and in 2014, they provided 50,000 EUR in funding for 21 projects (Slovak Republic 7 May 2015, para. 173-174).
The same source indicates that the Slovak government is implementing a program at 200 elementary schools for 400 teaching assistants to work with "pupils from socially disadvantaged environments" and another project allowing for 110 teaching assistants to work at 110 nurseries attended by Roma children (ibid., para. 175-176). The report adds that the Slovak government also initiated a national project entitled "'PRINED - PRoject of INclusive EDucation'," which employs 250 teaching assistants to work in teams with teachers and specialists to provide an inclusive environment for children from marginalized Roma communities in schools and nurseries in all areas of Slovakia except Bratislava, particularly in the regions of Presov, Kosice and Bansa Bystrica (ibid., para. 177-178). According to REF, PRINED has a budget of 16 million EUR and aims to provide individual support to children at risk of being placed into special education (REF 2014, 15). The Slovak embassy official indicated that there was also a project implemented in 2013-2015 by the Office of the Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities, funded with approximately 750,000 EUR from an EU grant program, that worked with Roma mothers, Roma children, and pre-school teachers and directors, to apply "best practices" for increasing positive interactions within Roma families and between the families and preschools (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016).
According to Slovakia's Interior Minister, as quoted by TASR, EU funding towards programs in Slovakia benefiting Roma is 380 million EUR for the period from 2014 to 2020, an increase from the previous 173 million EUR allotted in the last programming period (TASR 8 Apr. 2015).
The Slovak embassy official stated that in the period from 2007-2013, the government contracted 232 million EUR of EU funding for programs to benefit Roma, of which 118 million EUR were used in the following way: funding was used from the European Social Fund for programs to increase the level of education for marginalized Roma communities, to develop "care services" for marginalized Roma communities, and to promote jobs and integration in the labour market; funding was used from the European Regional Development Fund towards developing municipalities with Roma settlements in rural areas, reconstructing and modernizing outpatient care, and supporting community centres, among other projects (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016). The official indicated that, between 2007 and 2014, the Slovak government contracted 42 million EUR and spent 17 million EUR on projects supporting Roma (ibid.).
7.1 Office of the Plenipotentiary of the Slovak Government for Roma Communities
The Office of the Plenipotentiary of the Slovak Government for Roma Communities is a government body which was established in 2003 and, in 2012, was transferred from the Government Office of the Slovak Republic to the Ministry of the Interior (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016). According to the Slovak embassy official, the Plenipotentiary acts "as an advisory body" to the government and
performs tasks aimed at addressing the subjects of Roma communities and implement[s] systemic measures to improve the situation and integration of Roma into society, particularly in the development, execution and coordination of effective policies and implementation of system measures aimed at preventing social exclusion. (ibid.)
The same source indicates that the Plenipotentiary coordinates the implementation of the Roma Integration Strategy and works "in cooperation with the relevant institutions and authorities" to prepare, coordinate, monitor and evaluate programs in a number of areas, including education, employment, housing, and health care, as well as performing tasks related to the NRIS (ibid.).
ECRI notes that the Plenipotentiary does not control the funds for programs of Roma integration, which are under the control of the Ministries and "does not have any powers over the core funds allocated to the integration of Roma communities" (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 33). According to ECRI, the Plenipotentiary "seems to be an advisory organ without the necessary powers to guide and co-ordinate the implementation of Roma integration policies" (ibid.). The same source states that the staffing of Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities is "insufficient," and was reduced from 28 staff members to 20 staff members in April 2012 (ibid.).
According to the Slovak embassy official, as of 2016, the Plenipotentiary employs 96 people and, in addition to their headquarters in Bratislava, have regional offices in Spisska Nova Ves, Presov, Kosice, Banska Bystrica, Rimavska Sobota and Nitra, as well as a Department of Regional Coordination, a Department of Conceptions and Analyses and a Department of the Development Projects (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016). The same source noted that the Plenipotentiary is funded from Slovakia's state budget, with the exception of the Department of Development Projects, which is funded by the EU structural funds (ibid.).
The Office of the Plenipotentiary for Roma reportedly supported 4 municipalities to legalize Roma settlements between 2014 and 2016 (Romea 22 Jan. 2016). Media sources report that after a project initiated by the Plenipotentiary for the Romani Community was completed, where Roma took part in the construction of three housing units in the village of Breznica, the EU allocated 70 million EUR for the construction of 4,500 new housing units for Roma (TASR 30 Oct. 2015; Romea 3 Nov. 2015).
The head of the Plenipotentiary, the Government Proxy for Roma, Peter Pollak, who is himself Roma, resigned from the position in April 2016 (AFP 6 Apr. 2016; TASR 4 Apr. 2016). He reportedly stated that there was a "lack of support" from the current and previous governments and noted that he had not spoken to some ministers for more than a year (ibid.).
According to ECRI's 2014 report, "[t]here is a failure to implement the Roma integration programme due to a lack of will and because the various programmes remain under the responsibility of individual ministries" (COE 16 Sept. 2014, 9). TASR reports that in April 2015, Slovakia's Interior Minister admitted that the Roma reform was not being implemented "as vigorously as it could be" and attributed this to communication issues with Pollak, as well as "the complexity of the issue" (TASR 8 Apr. 2015).
This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.
Notes
[1] The research for the Atlas of Romani Communities was conducted between September 2012 and August 2013 and involved field work in 1,070 municipalities, conducted by approximately 30 researchers (Slovak Republic 19 May 2016). The data from the Atlas is meant to be used for "evidence-based policy making" and the project was a condition for the distribution of EU funds for the 2014-2020 programming period (ibid.).
[2] The Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005-2015 is an international initiative of governments, intergovernmental organizations, NGOs, and Romani civil society with the purpose of eliminating discrimination against Roma, particularly in the priority areas of education, employment, health and housing. Slovakia is one of twelve countries taking part in this initiative (Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005-2015 n.d.).
References
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_____. 13 March 2015. Barbora Cernušáková. "Slovakia's 'Container Schools' Worsen Segregation of Roma Children from Society." [Accessed 5 May 2016]
Amnesty International (AI), European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) and Open Society Foundation. 9 June 2015. "Slovakia: Racist Sterotyping Should not Determine Education Policy- International NGOs Criticize Slovak Government." [Accessed 5 May 2015]
Council of Europe (COE). 13 October 2015. Report by Nils Muižnieks Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe Following His Visit to the Slovak Republic from 15 to 19 June 2015. [Accessed 11 May 2016]
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Tlacova Agentura Slovenskej Republiky (TASR). 4 April 2016. "Pollak: I'm Quitting as Government Proxy for Roma on April 30." (Factiva)
_____. 30 October 2015. "Pollak: European Commission Okays 70 Million Towards Roma Housing." (Factiva)
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_____. 8 April 2015. "Kalinak: Roma Reform Realisation Could Be More Vigorous." (Factiva)
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_____. 10 August 2014. "Another Building Demolished at Lunik IX." (Factiva)
_____. 10 July 2014. "Village Mayor: Roma Ashamed to Carry Out Menial Work on Streets." (Factiva)
_____. 5 June 2014. "Study Reveals 'Alarming' Occurrence of Hepatitis in Roma Settlements." (Factiva)
Transitions Online (TOL). 12 February 2015. Benjamin Cunningham. "Is Opportunity Knocking for Slovakia's Roma?" (Factiva)
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Additional Sources Consulted
Internet sites, including: BBC; Centre for the Research of Ethnicity and Culture; ecoi.net; EU - European Commission; European Network Against Racism; Human Rights League; Human Rights Watch; Milan Simecka Foundation; Minority Rights Group International; Open Society Foundations; UN - Development Programme, Refworld.
Attachment
Slovak Republic. December 2011. Office of the Plenipotentiary of the Slovak Republic Government for Roma Communities. Strategy of the Slovak Republic for Integration of Roma up to 2020. [Accessed 13 June 2016]