Venezuela’s Crisis

If President Nicolás Maduro goes ahead with his plan to elect members for a Constituent Assembly on July 30, he will effectively set the stage to perpetuate himself in power, at the expense of Venezuelan democracy and the human rights of the Venezuelan people, said José Miguel Vivanco and Tamara Taraciuk Broner in an article published by Semana.

On July 22, The New York Times published this article by photojournalist Meredith Kohut, which describes her coverage of the protests during the past weeks and what she’s seen in the frontlines. It also includes some of her wonderful photographs, which must be seen.

The battle for Venezuela, through a lens, helmet and gas mask https://t.co/eKEhcQ4r6c pic.twitter.com/yqnfbXy3zy

— New York Times World (@nytimesworld) July 22, 2017

On July 19, OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro published a third comprehensive report on Venezuela’s crisis. The report describes measures that undermine Venezuelan democracy, including Supreme Court rulings that took over the powers of the National Assembly and determined that supporting the OAS discussion on the application of the Inter-American Democratic Charter to Venezuela could constitute treason. It also describes other Supreme Court actions that validated the government’s abusive policies and practices, including legitimizing the state of emergency declared by the president for over a year and attacks on the attorney general, and upholding the president’s proposal to convoke a Constituent Assembly.

In addition, the report describes the repression on the streets by security forces and armed pro-government gangs known as “colectivos,” which led to dozens of killings, at least hundreds of injuries, thousands of arrests, and hundreds of prosecutions in military courts. The report says there are over 400 political prisoners in Venezuela, and accuses security forces, including the intelligence services, of torturing detainees. It also describes the ongoing humanitarian crisis and its impact on the life and health of Venezuelans, citing official sources that indicate an increase of maternal and infant mortality rates and of the amount of malaria cases.

The report concludes that “the alteration of constitutional order and the disappearance of democracy in Venezuela has generated spiraling chaos and institutional violence that grows day after day.” Almagro urges OAS member states to collectively call on the Venezuelan government to suspend the Constituent Assembly process; end the repression, release political prisoners, and investigate those responsible for abuses; organize free and fair elections; authorize international humanitarian aid; reestablish Venezuela’s constitutional order with proper separation of powers and independent bodies, including the legislature, electoral authorities, and the Supreme Court; and create an international mechanism to investigate corruption allegations.

Almagro’s previous reports on Venezuela are available here and here.

Here my 3rd report on systematic repression & violations against people #Venezuela by the regime #InformeOEAVzlahttps://t.co/4b8rbzWTQp pic.twitter.com/fmfIRhbbu5

— Luis Almagro (@Almagro_OEA2015) July 20, 2017

On July 13, Gianni Scovani, a 33-year-old man with Asperger syndrome, was brutally beaten by members of the Bolivarian National Police and the Bolivarian National Guard in the parking lot of a mall in Anzoátegui state. There was an ongoing demonstration nearby. The beating was caught on tape:

pic.twitter.com/vEd3bu3rX9

— José Miguel Vivanco (@JMVivancoHRW) July 14, 2017

Scovani was initially taken to a military installation of the Bolivarian National Guard, where he was denied access to his family, lawyers, and medical treatment, according to the Venezuelan Penal Forum.

On July 17, the Attorney General’s Office issued a press release stating that a judge had requested the investigative police to detain four policemen and four sergeants in connection with the incident. Scovani was eventually transferred to a public hospital, where he was receiving medical treatment, the attorney general said.

That same day, the Ombudsman tweeted a picture of Scovani at the hospital and said the eight men had been caught and his office had requested that no charges be brought against Scovani.

On July 19, the attorney general said that none of the eight men had been taken before prosecutors, according to press reports.

On July 13, unidentified individuals detained Carlos Graffe, a 31-year-old activist of the opposition party Popular Will. Graffe has collaborated with human rights groups and worked for a decade in low-income neighborhoods in Carabobo state. He was detained as he was leaving a meeting with health workers in Valencia, Graffe’s father told Human Rights Watch. Days prior to his detention, Graffe had actively promoted the unofficial plebiscite organized by the opposition on July 16.

In a video of his detention, filmed by someone who was driving by, Graffe shouts he is being kidnapped, and is seen being forced into a white van by men in plainclothes. Another man is seen getting inside a blue vehicle, which Graffe’s father said belonged to his son. The family has not seen that vehicle seen since then.

That afternoon, the Carabobo police tweeted that Graffe was detained for carrying explosives and fireworks that had nails stuck to them with tape.

Graffe’s family visited headquarters of the intelligence services, the Bolivarian National Guard, and the Carabobo police that day, and in each case, they were told that Graffe was not being held there, his father said.

In the morning of July 14, Graffe called his father and told him that he was alright but was not allowed to tell him where he was being held. When Graffe asked his father to convey to his team that they should continue working on preparations for the July 16 plebiscite, the communication got disconnected, his father told Human Rights Watch.

At 10:30 p.m., Graffe was brought before a military judge in an improvised courtroom inside the “South Command,” a Bolivarian National Guard installation located in Ciudad Chávez, Carabobo state. His family was not allowed to enter. His lawyers were only allowed to see Graffee a few minutes before the hearing, his father said. The judge charged Graffe with stealing “materials that belong to the Armed Forces” and “instigating rebellion” and ordered his pretrial detention in the Ramo Verde military prison near Caracas, a lawyer present at the hearing told Human Rights Watch. The judge refused to authorize his release or house arrest.

When his parents visited the South Command installation the following morning, they were told they had time to leave and bring back lunch for Graffe, who would be transferred to Caracas in the afternoon. When they returned, Graffe had already been taken away, the father told Human Rights Watch.

On July 15, Graffe’s parents tried to see him in Ramo Verde. The guards allowed them to leave a mat, drinking water, food, and clothes for him, but they were not allowed to see him. Neither the family nor the lawyers have seen Graffe since the hearing.

.@hrw calls for the immediate release of activist @CarlosGraffe, arbitrarily arrested and charged by military court https://t.co/wwZxoL6M5U pic.twitter.com/zP1mYlwhgS

— Tamara Taraciuk (@TamaraTaraciuk) July 18, 2017

In recent weeks, security forces—at times working with the collaboration of armed pro-government gangs called “colectivos”—have entered university campuses and detained dozens of university students. Venezuela’s Universities’ Law only allows security forces to enter the campuses to stop the commission of a crime or implement court rulings. Security forces have also detained many students in response to anti-government protests in which university students have actively participated.

On May 16, eight official motorcycles carrying members of the National Guard entered the Andrés Bello Catholic University (UCAB) campus in Puerto Ordaz, Guayana, and detained Nelson Nava, a student, for reasons that are unclear. They later detained Marcos Valverde, a journalist and university professor, outside the campus when he tried to mediate with the officers. Both men were taken to Bolivarian National Guard headquarters, according to press reports. Valverde said he was released after several hours, while Nava was charged with public incitement to commit crimes, and released on conditional liberty.

UCAB-Guayana authorities said two other students were arbitrarily detained on May 17 when they were heading to the university and released after several hours.

On June 1, security forces used force to disperse a demonstration near the UCAB-Guayana campus, according to press reports. Ten students were detained, university authorities said. The students were charged with public incitement to commit crimes and released on June 4 on conditional liberty.

On June 15, security forces detained another six students during a peaceful anti-government protest, UCAB-Guayana university authorities said. On June 18, a judge ordered the detention of these students, together with five others detained that day, despite the fact that the prosecutor had requested their release on conditional liberty, their lawyer said. Their families have been unable to visit them, a local newspaper reported. They remain in prison.

On June 22, members of colectivos and security force personnel—including the Bolivarian National Police, the Bolivarian National Guard, and state police—entered the Sucre campus of Oriente University. Members of the colectivos destroyed classrooms and detained seven students, whom they then handed over to security forces, the university dean said. The students were charged with crimes including public incitement to commit crimes and violent damages to property, and released on conditional liberty, according to press accounts. One of the conditions for their release was that they don’t participate in public demonstrations. The colectivos have staged similar incursions onto UDO campuses in Cumaná and Ciudad Bolivar in previous weeks, according to press reports.

On June 29, members of the Bolivarian National Police detained at least 20 students, most from the University Simon Bolivar, when they were participating in an anti-government protest in Caracas. After the case garnered a lot of attention in Venezuela, the students were brought before a judge—the prosecutor did not bring any charges and the judge released them, a lawyer with the Venezuelan Penal Forum, which collaborated in their defense, said.

At 6 a.m. on July 2, security forces entered the campus of the Libertador Experimental Pedagogical University (Universidad Pedagógica Experimental Libertador, UPEL), beat students and private security guards, and detained students without having an arrest warrant, the university dean said. A military court charged a total of 27 detainees with instigating rebellion and other crimes during a hearing that lasted all night and finished at 7 a.m. on July 4. The 22 men were sent to prison, while the five women were sent to house arrest. Family members were unable to visit the detainees in prison, a local news outlet reported.

On May 1, President Maduro announced that he would convoke by decree a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution, and created a presidential commission made up of government officials to determine how the process would be carried out.

On May 23, Maduro issued another decree outlining the composition of the Constituent Assembly. It states that 364 of its members would be elected as representatives of specific areas of the country (“territorial representation”), eight would represent indigenous communities, and the rest would be elected to represent specific groups (“sectorial representation”). There are seven “sectors” that would be represented by this last group, according to the decree: fishermen and peasants, people with disabilities, business people, pensioned people, students, workers, and members of communal councils. A total of 174 representatives would be chosen from these sectors, according to electoral rules later adopted by the National Electoral Council. The decree also states that the Constituent Assembly will start its work 72 hours after its members are elected, and that they would meet where the National Assembly currently sits. It establishes no rules regarding how it will operate and sets no limits on how long it may take to draft the new constitution.

On May 31, the Supreme Court, which has entirely ceased to function as an independent check on presidential power, upheld Maduro’s proposal. It later validated the rules to elect members to the Constituent Assembly, and rejected challenges to the whole process filed by Attorney General Luisa Ortega, who has recently become a vocal government critic.

Faced with strong criticism regarding the lack of popular participation in the decision to draft a new constitution, on June 4, Maduro published yet another decree, “calling on” the Constituent Assembly to organize a popular referendum to approve the new Constitution when it is finished.

Soon after, the National Electoral Council’s president said that the elections to choose Constituent Assembly members will take place on July 30.

Several Venezuelan constitutional law experts have criticized Maduro’s initiative, arguing that the current constitution (article 347) only allows the Venezuelan people to decide if they want to convoke a Constituent Assembly to draft a new Constitution. Although the constitution allows the president and other authorities to propose such a measure (article 348), they agree that such proposal should be subject to popular approval before it is implemented.

Opponents of Maduro’s plan have also put forward a range of other serious concerns. The “sectoral representation,” critics say, reflects an essentially arbitrary choice of groups to represent. Critics argue that because the “territorial representation” component is based on a fixed number of representatives per municipality, independently of how many people live in it, it gives larger weight to the vote of those who live in rural areas. People living in many rural areas have traditionally supported the Maduro administration, while opposition to the government is generally quite widespread in urban areas.

Finally, the broad powers granted to the Constituent Assembly—for an indeterminate amount of time—could open the door to actions that go far beyond the drafting of a new Constitution. In fact, the powerful Chavista politician Diosdado Cabello has already warned that the Constituent Assembly could eliminate parliamentary immunity and remove the attorney general. The Constituent Assembly could also indefinitely suspend elections for governors—which were supposed to take place in 2016 and are now scheduled for December 2017—, for other local authorities—that should take place in 2017—and presidential elections, which should take place in 2018.

According to a recent poll, approximately 85 percent of Venezuelans oppose the Constituent Assembly proposal, press reports say. The opposition, which will not participate in the proposed Constituent Assembly, is organizing an unofficial rally to be held on July 16, in which Venezuelans in Venezuela and abroad can cast symbolic votes on the government’s proposal.

On July 11, the president of the National Electoral Council announced that they are organizing electoral events until July 22 to provide information on the Constituent Assembly vote on July 30, and called on people to attend their events specifically on July 16, according to press reports. On the same day, the government official party filed a legal challenge against the July 16 rally organized by the opposition.

On July 12, the Forum for Life, a network of Venezuelan human rights groups, issued a statement opposing government threats to fire officials who participate in the July 16 vote, and urging Venezuelan authorities to adopt all necessary measures to protect the life, physical integrity and other rights of Venezuelans who wish to participate.

Here’s a good paper by constitutional law expert Carlos Ayala on the Constituent Assembly process, and a radio interview he recently gave on this topic:

Un @_humanoderecho de lujo: Carlos Ayala te explica todo sobre la Asamblea Nacional Constitiyente https://t.co/62yoQsu6Xf

— Rafael Uzcátegui (@fanzinero) July 9, 2017

Venezuela released opposition leader Leopoldo López from prison on July 8, 2017, and placed him under house arrest.

Launch Gallery

“The release of Leopoldo López is a major capitulation by Venezuela’s government, which just days ago allowed armed thugs to assault the National Assembly and beat up opposition legislators in broad daylight.  It’s a sign that the massive street protests – plus the calls by democratic leaders throughout Latin America to end the repression – are having an impact. But make no mistake: Leopoldo López is still not free. He remains under house arrest and hundreds of political prisoners remain behind bars. Leaders around the world should increase their calls for the unconditional release of all political prisoners and a restoration of democratic rule in Venezuela.”

José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director, Human Rights Watch

On July 6, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights held a hearing on violations of free speech in Venezuela. The Venezuelan nongovernmental group Espacio Público, which monitors free speech abuses in the country, highlighted attempts to undermine coverage that is critical of the government, including intimidation, arrests, and physical abuse against journalists covering the protests, and excessive restrictions on the ability of foreign journalists to cover Venezuela. Additional information and summaries of cases involving journalists, media outlets, and human rights defenders is available in this IPYS report, presented during the hearing.

During the hearing, the government representative recognized that 800 websites had been blocked and that “there have been excesses by police forces against journalists,” Espacio Público said.

Here are some examples of abuses against journalists:

On March 31, more than 10 members of the National Guard tried to stop Elyangélica González, a journalist with Univisión, Primer Impacto and Radio Caracol, from covering a student anti-government protest outside the Supreme Court. The agents beat, dragged her for several meters, and pulled her hair, González said. When she asked why she was being detained, an officer answered, “because I feel like it.” They also damaged her work equipment and cell phones. The abuse was caught on tape. She was held for half an hour, and let go.

On May 24, members of the Bolivarian National Guard and the Bolivarian National Police used force to disperse an anti-government demonstration in the Bello Monte neighborhood in Caracas, Mildred Manrique, a Venezuelan journalist who was covering the protest, told Human Rights Watch. Incidents broke out when protesters started hurling back the teargas bombs that security agents had thrown towards them, Manrique said.

At approximately 4 pm, members of the National Guard arrived in motorcycles at the area where a group of journalists, including Manrique, were standing. There were at least five journalists standing behind a wall to protect themselves, and seven others across the street. They all had their journalist IDs on them and were wearing vests that said “press,” Manrique said. The security agents turned towards them and shot teargas bombs directly at the journalists, who were filming the incidents, and one of the bombs hit Manrique on her chest, she said. She was protected by the vest, so it bounced on to her arm, burning her elbow, according to Manrique. Another teargas bomb hit a journalist’s testicles, she said. Volunteers from the Green Cross who have been providing emergency care during the protests helped Manrique at the scene, and she continued working.

On June 15, Daniella Zambrano, a journalist working for the international news channel NTN24, was arrested with her cameraman and another cameraman of the international channel Telemundo in a metro station in Caracas. The journalists were covering a demonstration against President Maduro’s proposal to draft a new constitution. A representative of the metro told Zambrano she did not have authorization to cover the protest, and forbade them from leaving until agents from the Bolivarian National Intelligence Services arrived. The intelligence agents asked her for her name, ID number, cellphone number, and Twitter account, Zambrano said. The journalists said they were held for almost two hours, and only released after they erased the material they had taped.

Militares agreden a @ElyangelicaNews, corresponsal de Univision en Caracas. Todo fue grabado en video. https://t.co/khocGi3u0c pic.twitter.com/ChV7HwQg0o

— Univision Noticias (@UniNoticias) March 31, 2017

At least 123 members of Venezuela’s Armed Forces, including officers and servicemen from lower ranks of the Army, Navy, Air Force and the National Guard, have been detained since anti-government protests started in early April, Reuters reported on July 6, based on exclusive access to official records. Almost 30 members of the military were detained for deserting or abandoning their post, nearly 40 for rebellion, treason, or insubordination, and most of the rest were charged with theft. The detainees are being held in three different prisons; most of them are held at the Ramo Verde military prison in the outskirts of Caracas, Reuters said.

At least 123 Venezuelan soldiers detained since protests - documentsm I https://t.co/z1Ab95YORx pic.twitter.com/QwE1OxVCKU

— Reuters Venezuela (@ReutersVzla) July 6, 2017

On the evening of June 22, a group of more than 30 officers of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Services (Servicio Bolivariano de Inteligencia Nacional, SEBIN) entered the home of Aristides Moreno, without a search warrant, the opposition leader María Corina Machado said on Twitter after having witnessed the events. Members of the opposition had met several times at Moreno’s home. The officers detained Moreno, together with others who were with him at the time, including Roberto Picon—an engineer who for years has advised the opposition on electoral matters—Machado said. Picón was coordinating the opposition’s technical support team since February.

On June 25, President Nicolás Maduro said on television that, days earlier, security forces had seized two servers in which “a hacking, intervention, and sabotage process” of the electoral computer system was being organized. He accused Picon, whom he said was “very close” to opposition leader Henrique Capriles Radonski, of directing the hacking attempt. The official TV channel, Venezolana de Televisión, reported that five people had been detained and were “cooperating with the investigation.”

On June 26, Picon was brought before a military court, and a military prosecutor charged him with rebellion, treason, and “stealing military objects,” according to a source close to the family and news accounts. Picon is currently being held at SEBIN headquarters in Caracas.
 

This is how some Venezuelans commemorated journalists’ day in Caracas:

Launch Gallery

All pictures were taken during a demonstration in Caracas on June 27. © 2017 Francisco Bruzco.

On June 22, a Venezuelan military police sergeant shot a protester, David José Valenilla, 22, through the fence of an airbase in Caracas, raising the death toll during the protests to at least 76 people, Reuters reported. The moment of the shooting was caught on tape by VivoPlay, a local online news outlet:

El momento preciso en que un GNB dispara contra joven manifestante #EnVIVOplay por: https://t.co/AyLxbCohdr pic.twitter.com/M4MM5LS8S7

— VIVOplay (@vivoplaynet) June 22, 2017

Valenilla suffered wounds to the lungs and heart, a doctor who attended him told Reuters, and the Attorney General’s Office confirmed he was shot three times, says Reuters. An opposition lawmaker said the military official fired rubber bullets at point blank range towards Valenilla. Reuters quoted the interior minister claiming that the sergeant “used an unauthorized weapon to repel the attack” and he faced legal proceedings.

On June 21, The Globe and Mail published this moving piece about the devastating impact of the health crisis on patients with HIV. While Venezuela used to be a model—with a free, public treatment for HIV since 1999—, today there are no HIV tests available in the public system, patients are spreading the virus to sex partners due to limited availability of condoms, and pregnant women are passing the virus on to their babies, the article says. Moreover, the national program has a limited availability of medicine to treat patients, “which means that people living with the virus not only aren’t getting treated, they are developing drug resistant strains of HIV.” And, The Globe and Mail reports, hospitals face shortages of “the most basic drugs to treat the infections that plague patients who can’t get anti-retrovirals.” The consequence, the paper says, is that by the time the crisis starts being resolved, “thousands of people will have died needlessly, and this country will once again have an out-of-control epidemic, as it did 30 years ago.”

When I was reporting on the HIV pandemic in Africa 15 years ago, Venezuela's AIDS program was a… https://t.co/UB1EhYI4Ou

— Stephanie Nolen (@snolen) June 22, 2017

With President Maduro apparently determined to hold on to power at all costs, the likelihood of a peaceful transition could depend on how far the country’s security forces are willing to go to keep him in power, said José Miguel Vivanco and Daniel Wilkinson in an op-ed published by Foreign Policy.

The article was later re-published in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, Mexico, Panama, Peru and Venezuela. 

How to avoid a bloodbath in Venezuela - my piece in @ForeignPolicy with @JMVivancoHRW @hrw https://t.co/kCYwJDrWkl

— Daniel Wilkinson (@DWilkinsonNYC) June 15, 2017

High-level Venezuelan officials bear responsibility for pervasive, serious abuses being committed under their watch, Human Rights Watch said today. These officials have failed to take steps to prevent or punish human rights violations committed by their subordinates, Human Rights Watch said.

On June 11, The Economist published this piece on the role of the Catholic Church in Venezuela’s crisis.  The article says that Venezuelan bishops, some of whom met with Pope Francis on June 8, have consistently voiced concern about abuses and erosion of democratic guarantees in the country. However, the Pope’s stance has appeared to be softer to many Venezuelans, according to The Economist, which says as well that the Pope has now a unique opportunity to show the world that he can listen to the prelates and start sending tough messages to President Maduro.

On April 28, at 5:30 p.m., a group of men without uniform but who identified themselves as members of the General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence (Dirección General de Contrainteligencia Militar, DGCIM) arrived at Dan Zambrano’s home in Cagua, state of Aragua, Belkys Martínez, Zambrano’s wife, told Human Rights Watch. The officers told Zambrano, 34, that they had an order to take him in for interrogation in Maracay, the state capital. Before being driven away, Zambrano managed to send his wife a Facebook message letting her know he was being taken for questioning, and tweeted that DGCIM officers were taking him to their headquarters in Aragua.

Martínez visited every installation where she thought Zambrano could be held, including military headquarters, as well as offices of the intelligence services, the investigative police, and the Bolivarian National Police. Everywhere, officers told her that they had not detained anyone that day and Zambrano was not there, she said.

The following day, at 8 p.m., Zambrano called Martínez, said he was being held at DGCIM headquarters in Caracas, and asked her for clothes and personal items. Since then, Zambrano has been allowed to call his wife almost daily, and although he says he has not been mistreated, no family member nor lawyer has been allowed to see Zambrano since his detention, Martínez told Human Rights Watch.

In one of the calls, Zambrano told his wife that during his interrogation DGCIM officers said he had been detained for having tweeted against the government, and that “he should reflect on, and think very well, before writing.” The officers allegedly mentioned a reply Zambrano posted to a tweet by President Nicolás Maduro’s son, in which Zambrano said: “Unhappy bastard! Enjoy what you have left because what your shitty revolution stole from us, will be paid back!” They also allegedly referred to Zambrano’s retweets—which include, for example, cartoons making fun of a pro-government “digital militia,” videos of members of the Bolivarian National Police reportedly stealing from civilians, and tweets with videos accusing armed pro-government groups of using excessive force against demonstrators. At the time of his arrest, Zambrano had 300 followers; now, he has more than 3,400.

Since May 4, no one has questioned Zambrano, according to Martínez. He spends his days in a cell at DGCIM headquarters in Caracas, and has not been allowed to see the sun since his detention.

Martínez and representatives from Espacio Público, a Venezuelan non-profit group that works on freedom of expression issues and is providing legal support in this case, have said that Zambrano has never been brought before a prosecutor or judge, nor charged with any crime.

“They have him kidnapped,” Martínez told Human Rights Watch. 

On June 6, Reuters reported that at least 14 army officers were arrested on suspicion of “rebellion” and “treason” in the first week of protests against the Maduro administration. Reuters says it had access to documents that said the cases were being “processed” and the soldiers, who include colonels and captains, are being held in the Ramo Verde military prison. Many more soldiers have been rounded up since April 8—the last date of the documents Reuters had access to—, according to opposition leaders and rights activists, Reuters said.

Fourteen Venezuelan army officers jailed in first week of protests - documents https://t.co/DOJLpNnfKX pic.twitter.com/hP0EIMUWY6

— Reuters Venezuela (@ReutersVzla) June 6, 2017

On May 30, members of the Bolivarian National Guard threw teargas canisters indiscriminately to disperse an anti-government demonstration in Mérida, the local human rights group Promedehum reported. Some canisters were fired directly towards residences, Promedehum and a family member of neighbors told Human Rights Watch. Residents told Promedehum that several apartment buildings of the “Parque Las Américas” housing complex were set on fire, including some in which residents were inside, and that members of the National Guard also fired pellets with glass marbles directly into the apartments. The residents claim the fire was caused by the canisters; the governor cited a firefighters’ report that said the cause of fire was “indeterminate.” Here are some photographs taken by Promedehum staff:

Other teargas canisters entered a pre-school in the area, Promedehum said. Although there were no children inside at the time, several staff members hid in the restrooms. Here’s a picture shared by a resident:

A few young men who were not participating in the protests were detained by security forces, including at least one who was beaten and held for two hours inside an official vehicle but eventually released in exchange of giving security agents his cell phone, a Promedehum lawyer told Human Rights Watch.

On May 31, 2017, the Organization of American States will carry out a meeting of foreign affairs ministers to address the situation in Venezuela. At the meeting, the region must press the Maduro administration to end the repression, release political prisoners, carry out free and fair elections, restore the independence of the legislature and judiciary, and allow sufficient international humanitarian aid into the country.

The meeting will be broadcasted live via the OAS website, here, at 2 pm EST.

This report by Cáritas Venezuela, based on the evaluation of 2,267 children under 5 years old in Caracas and three states (Miranda, Vargas, and Zulia), concluded that 10.2 percent of children had moderate or severe malnutrition, 12 percent had mild malnutrition, 26 percent were at risk of malnutrition and were already showing symptoms, and 52 percent were receiving proper nutrition. Most children with severe malnutrition are under 2 years old, Cáritas found. Cases of severe malnutrition increased from 8.9 percent in the last trimester of 2016 to 10.2 percent in the first two months of 2017—putting Venezuela above the World Health Organization limit of what constitutes a crisis, according to Cáritas. The percentage of families who have modified their eating habits—by, for example, only feeding some members of the family, not eating for an entire day, or eating less—increased from 77 percent in 2016 to 82 percent in 2017, says the report.

For a good explanation on why Venezuelans can’t feed themselves adequately, read this piece by the Washington Post:

Animal Farm, Venezuela: Why a hungry nation blessed with resources can't feed itself https://t.co/ErltSKK077

— Nick Miroff (@NickMiroff) May 23, 2017

On May 24, members of the Bolivarian National Guard and the Bolivarian National Police used force to disperse an anti-government demonstration in the Bello Monte neighborhood in Caracas, Mildred Manrique, a Venezuelan journalist who was covering the protest, told Human Rights Watch. Incidents broke out when protesters started hurling back the teargas bombs that security agents had thrown towards them, Manrique said.

At approximately 4 pm, members of the National Guard arrived in motorcycles at the area where a group of journalists, including Manrique, were standing. There were at least five journalists standing behind a wall to protect themselves, and seven others across the street. They all had their journalist IDs on them and were wearing vests that said “press,” Manrique said. The security agents turned towards them and shot teargas bombs directly at the journalists, who were filming the incidents, and one of the bombs hit Manrique on her chest, she said. She was protected by the vest, so it bounced on to her arm, burning her elbow, according to Manrique. Another teargas bomb hit a journalist’s testicles, she said. Volunteers from the Green Cross who have been providing emergency care during the protests helped Manrique at the scene, and she continued working.

Soon after, Manrique saw a person standing among of the demonstrators start shooting into the air. When some demonstrators saw him, they started running after him, but the man ran towards the Bolivarian National Guard, and left the scene on an official motorcycle, Manrique told Human Rights Watch.

Here’s the video that Manrique was filming when she was hit:

fuerte represión en #Caracas #-24may #EnVivo https://t.co/0SSfJd6f6x

— Mildred Manrique (@milmanrique) May 24, 2017

On May 21, as part as an investigation into state actions to provide health services for children, IPYS Venezuela published a detailed report documenting that vaccines are not reaching children who need them. Based on official sources and on the ground research, IPYS concludes that the government did not have enough vehicles to transport available vaccines nor adequate refrigeration for them in several locations. A prior publication from the same series, available here, reports that 70 percent of medical equipment bought by the government from Argentina to provide obstetrics and neonatal care have not been adequately maintained, at a time when infant mortality and the deficit of doctors is increasing.

Médicos pediatras afirman que el déficit de vacunas en Venezuela es grave #HuérfanosdelaSalud https://t.co/c7icAorMHK pic.twitter.com/ZjssVk6b7c

— IPYS Venezuela (@ipysvenezuela) May 21, 2017

On May 18, María González, an indigenous woman from the Wayuu group who lives in Zulia state, told NTN24 that members of the National Guard had tied her 11-year-old son’s hands behind his back and placed a “bomb” on his back, which caused burns on his back, arms, and eyes. A video posted on YouTube the night before, filmed by neighbors who say they found the boy, shows him with his arms tied behind his back and includes images of his burnt back. In another video, aired by NTN, the neighbors show a teargas bomb that allegedly exploded on the boy’s back. A doctor who treated the boy told NTN24 and a local newspaper that the boy had suffered first and second degree burns that did not require hospitalization but needed to be treated, and were consistent with the boy’s description of what had happened to him.

The Attorney General’s Office issued a press release confirming it was investigating the case. The statement says the boy had been close to a bakery when an “irregular situation” took place, and that “several people” had tied, beat, and burnt the boy’s back with an unnamed “device.”

Peruvian officials have confirmed to Human Rights Watch that more than 10,000 Venezuelans have requested permission to stay in Peru in 2017, taking advantage of Peru’s welcoming policies. These policies reflect the Peruvian government’s understanding of the severity of Venezuela’s ongoing crisis and build upon the government’s efforts to press Venezuela to respect human rights and the rule of law.

In January 2017, President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski adopted a decree that lays out a special permission for Venezuelans to stay in the country. The decree states that those Venezuelans who arrived in Peru before February 2—the date it entered into force—who do not have a criminal record, and whose legal permission to stay in the country had expired, may request a temporary residency permit that lasts one year. Those who obtain the permit are allowed to work, enroll their children in school, and have access to health care.

As of April 30, 5,834 Venezuelans had obtained their temporary residency permits, according to official data. The superintendent of immigration, who reports to the Interior Ministry, told Human Rights Watch that an additional 4,300 Venezuelans had requested an appointment online to obtain their permit by August. Venezuelans who entered Peru since February 3 are entitled to legally stay in the country for 183 days, and the government is evaluating measures to deal with that influx of Venezuelan immigration when that period expires, the superintendent said.

Most arrive by plane, although approximately 30 percent spend days traveling by bus to reach Peru, authorities told us. Here are some accounts relayed to Human Rights Watch by Venezuelans who fled the crisis and are now living in Lima:

Ludiskel Mass, 32, is a schoolteacher and was a student activist with the opposition party Un Nuevo Tiempo (A New Time). After spending a few months abroad in 2013, she returned to Maracaibo, Zulia state, where she was living in 2015 when she started having repeated instances of vaginal bleeding. Doctors told her they believed she had a cyst but that they lacked the medical supplies to provide a proper diagnosis, she said. Mass told Human Rights Watch she experienced regular bleeding and anemia over the next three months. She unsuccessfully tried to buy Vitamin K and contraceptive pills, which doctors had told her might help control the bleeding. In August 2015, two friends paid for her bus ticket to Lima, where she arrived after a six-day road trip, she said. In Peru, doctors diagnosed her with uterine cancer for which she underwent a successful operation, she told Human Rights Watch. At the time of the interview, she was cancer free. In September 2016, she was able to take her then 11- and 12-year old children to Lima. Mass has obtained her temporary residency permit.

Carlos Márquez (pseydonym), 59, an economist, arrived in Lima in April 2017. Márquez’s 24-year-old son was arrested during anti-government protests in 2014, beaten, and subsequently released on conditional liberty, Márquez told Human Rights Watch. The prosecutor eventually dropped the charges, he said. Members of the National Guard detained his son again in 2015 as he was walking in a public area, with no judicial order, he told us. One of the lawyers who worked on the case also affirmed that Márquez’s son was subject to arbitrary prosecution based on what he called planted evidence. Márquez said he spent all his savings to bribe the judge in charge of his son’s case so his son would be transferred out of a regular prison where he had suffered scabies and gastrointestinal problems. Márquez, whose son remains detained, arrived in Lima with plans to work in gastronomy. “I’m starting a new life at 59 to be able to help my family from here,” he said.

Kerwin Duarte, 26, left Barquisimeto, Lara state, in October 2016. A psychology student who worked at a store selling cooking utensils, Duarte told Human Rights Watch he had spent hours standing in line to buy food and left Venezuela due to high levels of insecurity and because “there is no future.” He took a bus to Colombia, and flew to Lima from there, he said. Duarte said he relied on the hospitality of a Peruvian man for a month, eating only bread. Now, in Lima, he rents a small apartment, sells arepas—the typical Venezuelan corn-flour dish—on the street, and says he makes enough for a living and to send between 20-30 dollars a week back home to help his family, including his grandmother who has hypertension and cannot afford the medicines she needs, when she finds them. Duarte obtained his temporary residency permit in March.

Leomar Rodríguez, 28, left Caracas in January 2017, soon after graduating from the university with a business major. Rodríguez told Human Rights Watch that in Venezuela, he ran his own business stamping t-shirts but, due to the economic crisis, he was no longer able to purchase the materials he needed to stamp the t-shirts, and his earnings were barely enough to afford food, which he bought after hours standing in line. Rodríguez arrived in Lima after a five-day road trip. He now sells arepas and tizana, a Venezuelan drink made of fruit juice with fruit salad in it, on the street. Rodríguez told Human Rights Watch he’s better off in Lima, where he can eat, there’s more security, and he can earn some money to send back home to help his parents and brothers who still live in Caracas.

On May 17, Venezuelan immigration authorities stopped journalist César Miguel Rondon at the Caracas airport when he was heading abroad to participate in a public event. This happened a day after President Maduro said on television that Rondon and another journalist had “promoted a persecution.” Rondon had commented on Twitter about cases in which Venezuelan government officials had been harassed by Venezuelan citizens abroad, Espacio Público reported. Rondon’s passport and that of his wife were annulled and he was not allowed to leave the country.

On May 18, Venezuelan immigration authorities confiscated the passport of opposition leader Henrique Capriles Radonski at the Caracas airport, when he was heading to a meeting with the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. Capriles was not allowed to leave the country.

#DenunciaEP | Anulan pasaporte a César Miguel Rondón (@cmrondon) tras amenazas de Nicolás Maduro https://t.co/NURGmC4fbu

— Espacio Público (@espaciopublico) May 17, 2017

Here are some good sources from the human rights world that provide information on what’s happening in the interior of the country:

In Zulia state, CODHEZ is monitoring the protests and abuses against protesters. For a glimpse of the information they’ve gathered in April, please see this report and this special publication on the protests. @CODHEZ

In Mérida state, see what’s being reported by PROMEDEHUM, on Facebook and @promedehum, and the Human Rights Observatory of the Los Andes University, on their website or @uladdhh

In Lara state, check out information produced by FUNPAZ, on Facebook and @Funpaz2013 and the MOVIMIENTO VINOTINTO, also on Facebook and @movinotinto

In Carabobo state, you can review material published by CADEF (Centro de Acción y Defensa por los Derechos Humanos), here. @_cadef

A lot has been said about the existence of armed pro-government groups, called “colectivos,” that collaborate with Venezuelan security forces to repress peaceful protests, or operate with their acquiescence. Human Rights Watch has documented such cases since 2014. This interesting piece recently published by the Caracas Chronicles analyzes international human rights jurisprudence and concludes that the Venezuelan government is responsible for the crimes and abuses committed by these gangs. Food for thought.

“Colectivo” Responsibility https://t.co/3lVm36QSUS pic.twitter.com/3x6o8D46xv

— Caracas Chronicles (@CaracasChron) May 12, 2017

On May 12, 47 Venezuelan human rights organization published this press release criticizing the government’s decision to extend the presidential decree that had declared a “state of exception and economic emergency.” The decree was criticized by 125 Latin American and international organizations when it was adopted in May 2016 because it included vague language that would allow restricting basic rights and limit the ability of the opposition-led National Assembly and Venezuelan nongovernmental organizations to challenge abuses of power by the government. The state of exception has been extended six times without legislative approval, the press release says.

This piece by the International Crisis Group provides a comprehensive summary of the Venezuela crisis and explains two problematic measures adopted by the Venezuelan government recently: President Maduro’s proposal to create a Constitutional Assembly, and the his decision to withdraw from the OAS. It argues that “taken together, these two decisions mark the crossing of a threshold in Venezuela, and the abandonment of ‘revolutionary’ regime in Caracas of representative democracy.” The ICG describes a series proposals to move forward with a negotiated solution (as opposed to interminable dialogues) that includes an amnesty for certain government officials—excluding those responsible for drug-trafficking and grave human rights abuses—and an interim government of national unity, including some government officials, that would organize elections.

#Venezuela National Assembly should prepare amnesty law to reassure regime moderates & avoid transition witch-hunts

— Crisis Group (@CrisisGroup) May 12, 2017

Since the latest round of massive protests erupted in early April, The New York Times’ The Interpreter published two very good pieces worth reading. A first piece, published on April 1, describes how populism turned authoritarian in Venezuela, starting with the political takeover of the Supreme Court by President Hugo Chávez in 2004. Another article, published on May 6, analyzes the existing and potential fractures within political and military elites, including recent dissenting statements by the Venezuelan attorney general, Luisa Ortega Díaz.

In Venezuela’s Chaos, Elites Play a High-Stakes Game for Survival https://t.co/Hok5PwgMrt

— Max Fisher (@Max_Fisher) May 6, 2017

On May 9, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) issued a public statement deploring “repressive measures taken by Venezuelan authorities in response to the wave of protests that began in March in the country.” The IACHR expressed concern regarding the number of deaths and injuries caused by firearms and the excessive use of other less lethal weapons, such as teargas and birdshot, and highlighted that hundreds of the nearly 2,000 detainees remained in custody. The commission has received allegations of torture and ill-treatment by security forces, and information that authorities are using the military criminal justice system to try civilians, it said. The IACHR condemned “any attempt by the Venezuelan authorities to prevent holding of elections” and deplored President Maduro’s unprecedented decision to denounce the OAS charter.

Venezuela: Condenamos aumento de muertes, heridos y detenciones masivas https://t.co/NDEtGtEjnl

— CIDH (@CIDH) May 9, 2017

On May 4, the general commander of the Bolivarian National Guard, Antonio Benavides Torres, stated that a special operation ordered by President Nicolás Maduro would be carried out to prosecute, in military courts, civilians who had been detained two days earlier during protests in Carabobo state. The operation is part of the “Zamora Plan,” an initiative meant to address “internal and external attacks that threaten the country’s peace and sovereignty.” (For background on the Zamora Plan, with links to official sources, check out this outline prepared by the Human Rights Center of the Andrés Bello Catholic University in Caracas).

Benavides Torres claimed 43 people had been “involved in serious crimes against the public order, such as looting, rebellion, and robbery and attack to a sentinel.” Francisco Ameliach, the governor of Carabobo who belongs to President Maduro’s political party, tweeted that “more than 70 hooligans” had been detained and taken before military courts, and authorities were “in search of intellectual authors and collaborators.”

On May 5, the interior and justice minister, Néstor Luis Reverol, tweeted that “military courts will be in charge of all investigations that are necessary of these TERRORISTS hired by the right” (caps in the original).

These actions occur days after Attorney General Luisa Ortega Díaz publicly criticized policies by the Maduro administration and requested courts to release 38 people detained by the National Guard in Nueva Esparta, arguing that the police report on their detention did not specify why they had been detained. 

Local human rights groups have confirmed that dozens of civilians have been prosecuted by military courts. In one case, at least 19 were prosecuted days ago for “rebellion” and “contempt.” The military court rejected the defense’s argument that they did not have jurisdiction to try civilians. Armed military officials stood guard inside the courtroom.

Both Venezuelan and international law provide that civilians should not be prosecuted before military courts. The Venezuelan Constitution, in article 261, limits military jurisdiction to crimes that are of a military nature. Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Venezuela ratified in 1978, guarantees the right to a timely trial by a competent, independent, and impartial tribunal. In 2015, the Human Rights Committee, the expert body charged with interpreting the ICCPR, expressed concern that military courts in Venezuela are competent to try civilians under certain circumstances and called on the Venezuelan government to “adopt the necessary measures to prohibit military courts from trying civilians.” Similarly, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has ruled that military courts should not try civilians.

To see OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro’s statement on the use of military courts against civilians, click here.

¡En Carabobo! Plan Zamora ha capturado a más de 70 terroristas de la derecha https://t.co/hg0bLHQEwi #6Mayo pic.twitter.com/n2BQzx8plx

— Con el Mazo Dando (@ConElMazoDando) May 7, 2017 

A good way to understand what’s happening in Venezuela is to see it with your own eyes. The Financial Times has published this piece and video with an excellent overview of the crisis, including testimony from government supporters and former government supporters, as well as information on pro-government armed groups of civilians called “colectivos.” A recent in-depth article and video by the Wall Street Journal, available here, provides a thorough and moving description of the food crisis and the difficulty that Venezuelans are facing to feed their families. For Human Rights Watch reporting on the humanitarian crisis, including a video report on food and health shortages, see here.

Please read this story, and look at the pictures to understand Venezuela's collapse. I cried editing this. https://t.co/Lu4jk2In2K via @WSJ

— David Luhnow (@davidluhnow) May 5, 2017

Between April 1-May 4, 35 people died in the context of demonstrations—18 in Caracas, six in Carabobo state, five in Lara state, two in Mérida state, two in Miranda state, one in Barinas state, and one in Táchira state, the Attorney General’s Office reported. A total of 717 people were injured in demonstrations nation-wide, including 329 cases in which there were allegations of violations of basic rights, the office said.

On May 4, the Venezuelan Penal Forum, a nongovernmental organization that provides legal support to detainees nation-wide, reported that 1,708 people had been arrested during demonstrations that started on April 4, and that 596 of them remained in detention.

Ministerio Público registra 35 fallecidos y 717 heridos tras manifestaciones entre abril y mayo https://t.co/ijndJuXtNs #4May

— Ministerio Público (@MPvenezolano) May 4, 2017

On May 4, The Economist published an interesting article examining the critical role the Venezuelan military is playing in the current crisis. Check it out here:

No butter, but lots of guns: The armed forces will decide the fate of Venezuela’s regime https://t.co/Yu89V7YKD4 via @TheEconomist

— Michael Reid (@michaelreid52) May 4, 2017

At least 200 people were injured during clashes that erupted during a demonstration in Caracas on May 3 against the Maduro administration, Reuters reported. Thousands had marched peacefully until they were blocked by security forces. The death toll during incidents in Venezuela rose to 34, Reuters said.

Barbarie en Venezuela. Países de la OEA y alto comisionado de Naciones Unidas deben exigir cese inmediato de represión. https://t.co/XcAnwTYEGK

— José Miguel Vivanco (@JMVivancoHRW) May 3, 2017

On May 1, President Nicolas Maduro announced that his government will organize elections to establish a constituent assembly and draft a new constitution. But what he should be doing now -- without any further delay-- is upholding the rights enshrined in the existing constitution, which was enacted by his predecessor Hugo Chavez and contains basic guarantees that his government is violating. The solution to Venezuela's crisis requires setting a date for overdue regional elections, releasing political prisoners, restoring the independence of the judiciary and the National Assembly's powers, and accepting desperately-needed international humanitarian aid. Maduro's proposal to write a new constitution should not be allowed to distract from his flagrant disregard for the rights enshrined in the existing one.

- José Miguel Vivanco

Maduro's constitutional reform cannot distract from his systematic disregard of the existing constitution.Statement: https://t.co/Qmz3iGA8oV pic.twitter.com/wXLZW7qyua

— José Miguel Vivanco (@JMVivancoHRW) May 2, 2017

In August 2016, intelligence agents detained Yon Goicoechea, an activist of the Popular Will opposition party, as he was driving to a press conference about an opposition rally scheduled for the following month. Goicoechea’s family and lawyer received no official information about his whereabouts for more than 56 hours. A judge subsequently charged Goicoechea with several crimes and ordered his pretrial detention. He has since been detained at one of the headquarters in Caracas of the Bolivarian Intelligence Services for almost eight months, despite the fact that the Attorney General’s Office decided not to press charges on October 17, 2016, and a court ordered his release three days later, according to official documentation reviewed by Human Rights Watch.

There have been reports of at least 17 other cases in which people are being detained by intelligence services, even after a court has ordered their release.

Exigimos que justicia venezolana ejecute inmediatamente decisión judicial para liberar al preso político @YonGoicoechea. #VZLAcrisis pic.twitter.com/wXDckt0ONA

— HRW Venezuela (@HRW_Venezuela) December 8, 2016

Between April 3-25, 26 people died in Venezuela in “violent incidents,” 437 were injured, and 1.289 were detained, Attorney General Luisa Ortega Díaz said. An official list of those who died, most of whom were killed with gunshots, is available here. The attorney general reported that 65 people were in pretrial detention and 217 others would be taken before a judge on April 25. 

Fiscal General repudió muerte de 26 personas por hechos de violencia en los últimos días https://t.co/akpS7L7qna #25Abr pic.twitter.com/UxETr1TQMj

— Ministerio Público (@MPvenezolano) April 26, 2017

The nurses spoke a foreign language, and narrow beds crowded the stuffy ward, but María gazed blissfully into her newborn Sasha’s eyes. María was far from family and friends, but she’d made it to a land of relative plenty — rich with diapers and cooking oil.

Covering Venezuela for Human Rights Watch these past eight years, I’ve watched the country tailspin into repression and privation. In recent weeks, security forces have used excessive force and fired teargas indiscriminately against anti-government protesters, and the Supreme Court effectively shut down Congress — although it later reverted part of its ruling, at the president’s request. There’s little doubt that the Maduro administration looks more and more like a full-fledged dictatorship. My story shows disturbing parallels with the Latin American dictatorships of yesteryear, said Tamara Taraciuk Broner in an article published by the Miami Herald.

The article was also published in Spanish in La Nación (Argentina), La Prensa Gráfica (El Salvador), La Nación (Costa Rica), El Tiempo (Colombia), El Nacional (Venezuela), and in O Globo (Brazil) in Portuguese. 

The International Migration Organization reported that as of 2015, 606.281 people had left Venezuela, while the World Bank says there were 655.400, according to CNN. A joint statement by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights says that the amount of asylum applications filed by Venezuelans increased by 8.8 percent—while, in 2012, 505 Venezuelans had applied, the number of Venezuelans who did so in 2016 reached 34.200.

A review of official sources shows an increase of Venezuelan immigration in different countries:

• In Argentina, the number of temporary residencies granted to Venezuelans increased from 1.777 in 2014 to 4.707 in 2015. Argentine immigration authorities told Human Rights Watch that 12,800 Venezuelans obtained legal permits to stay in Argentina in 2016, and 14,400 did so between January and May 2017. 
• In Brazil, as of December 31, 2016, 4,670 Venezuelans had requested asylum in Brazil since 2012. The number of Venezuelans seeking asylum in Brazil increased from 54 in 2013 to 208 in 2014, 825 in 2015, and 2,595 between January and December 1, 2016. There are more than 4,000 Venezuelans in a waiting list to file asylum applications in Brazil.
• In Chile, the number of visas granted to Venezuelans (including student, work, and temporary visas) increased from 1.463 in 2013, to 2.874 in 2014, and to 8.381 in 2015.
• In Mexico, in 2014, 56 Venezuelans requested asylum and nine were granted asylum; in 2015, 57 requested asylum and 26 were granted asylum; and in 2016, 361 requested asylum and 296 were granted asylum.
• In Peru, the number of Venezuelans who requested a foreigner’s ID increased from 180 in 2013 to 550 in 2014, 1.445 in 2015, and 1.543 in 2016.
• In the United States, in 2014 Venezuela entered the list of “Leading Nationalities for Asylum Applications filed with USCIS.” In December 2014, the US received 395 applications, in December 2015 it received 958, and in December 2016 it received 2.334. In December 2016, it was the first country in the list.

• In Uruguay, a total of 2.448 Venezuelans obtained Mercosur residency permits in 2015 and 2016, according to official information provided by immigration authorities to Human Rights Watch.

• On April 21, the Spanish newspaper El País reported that 3.960 Venezuelans had requested asylum in 2016—a seven-fold increase from 2015, when 585 Venezuelans had done so. More Venezuelans sought asylum in Spain during that year than nationals of any other country. According to official sources reviewed by Human Rights Watch, 124 Venezuelans had requested asylum in Spain in 2014, up from 35 in 2013 and 28 in 2012.

Venezuela: La crisis humanitaria se extiende a Brasil https://t.co/BxFbAJslfU

— Luis Almagro (@Almagro_OEA2015) April 18, 2017

Tens of thousands of Venezuelans who have reached a breaking point over the country's humanitarian and political crisis poured into the streets all over the country on Wednesday. They demanded that the government let aid enter Venezuela to help the many people who are desperate for food and medicine. They demanded that the government hold elections, free political prisoners, and reestablish judicial independence and the powers of the National Assembly.

The Venezuelan government's harsh reaction -- complete with a show of force -- was a hugely irresponsible replay of its response to previous protests. The government's response to these protests is further evidence of the need for strong international pressure, especially from other states in the region, to push for the restoration of human rights and democracy in Venezuela -- and a demonstration of the potential cost of a failure to act, said José Miguel Vivanco and Tamara Taraciuk Broner in an op-ed published by CNN.

On April 18, a criminal court in Caracas ordered the pretrial detention of the twins Francisco José Sánchez Ramírez and Francisco Alejandro Sánchez Ramírez, 22-year-old university students and opposition activists. The twins had been arrested five days earlier and accused of participating in an attack, during an anti-government protest on April 8, on a building that belongs to the judiciary.

On the day of their arrest, the interior and justice minister tweeted that security forces had delivered a “hard blow to the Venezuelan right’s terrorism” and that the twins had been “organizing terrorist acts against the country’s peace.” The minister said they had “confessed” their participation in “violence” and the government had “obtained valuable elements of proof that implicate right-wing leaders in terrorist acts.”

On April 16, President Nicolás Maduro aired a video supposedly of one of the twins, with his face blurred—and the voices of those questioning him altered—confessing that an opposition politician had paid him to recruit people and participate in violent acts.

But José Sánchez, the twins’ father and a lawyer, said the twins told the judge at the hearing that, after being detained as they were leaving the home of one’s girlfriend, they were driven to the offices of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Services (SEBIN), where they were physically abused and threatened with death so they would film the video. When the father visited SEBIN offices that day, he was told they were not there. He was only able to see them 72 hours later, he said.

A prosecutor at the hearing said the video could not be used as evidence against the twins, the father reported, and that the allegations of torture would be investigated.

At a public appearance at the National Assembly on April 18, the father broke down when he reported what the twins had said: “They bent us, but they did not break us. Dad, tell all our friends that today’s tears will be tomorrow’s smiles.”

Watch images of today’s anti-government protests here:

Watch live feeds from @VPITV and @NTN24ve here. https://t.co/wdx06E9VYX

— Caracas Chronicles (@CaracasChron) April 19, 2017

The Venezuelan Penal Forum, a local group that provides legal support to detainees, reported today that 470 people have been detained during anti-government protests in Venezuela between April 4-14, including 165 who were released before being brought before a judge. Security forces used excessive force and teargas indiscriminately to disperse demonstrations, leading to serious injuries, the report says. At least five people were killed with firearms during the demonstrations, some of them by pro-government armed groups, the report says. Lawyers collaborating with the organization report that some detainees were beaten and tortured, while others were prosecuted without evidence implicating them in any crime, including sometimes by military courts. 

Reporte sobre la #represion del Estado venezolano del 4 al 16 de abril 2017. Leer aquí: https://t.co/GHcgenAZ7a pic.twitter.com/FokaxCEfen .

— Foro Penal (@PorHumanidad) April 18, 2017

UPDATE (April 20, 2017)

#20A Con los arrestos del día de ayer, del 4 al 19 de abril de 2017 tenemos reportados más de 1000 arrestos por protestas. #Venezuela

— Foro Penal (@PorHumanidad) April 20, 2017

On April 17, in advance of anti-government protests scheduled to take place in Venezuela on April 19, the governments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Paraguay, and Peru called on the Maduro administration to ensure Venezuelans can exercise their right to demonstrate peacefully, and set a date for elections “to solve the grave crisis that Venezuela is facing, and worries the region.”

Without strong international pressure, @leopoldolopez will remain Maduro’s hostage. It's been 1000 days #VZLAcrisis https://t.co/KAOv6qOpRI pic.twitter.com/h9IcdIfUMf

— José Miguel Vivanco (@JMVivancoHRW) November 14, 2016

The Organization of American States (OAS) should press authorities from Venezuela’s Maduro administration to release and drop criminal charges against anyone who has been arbitrarily detained and charged, Human Rights Watch said today. The OAS should also press Venezuela so its authorities investigate allegations that several detainees have been beaten and tortured in custody, and make the results of the investigations public.