Haiti: Violence against women, including sexual violence; state protection and support services (2012-June 2016)

Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa

1. General Situation

Sources state that violence against women is widespread in Haiti (Human Rights Watch 29 Jan. 2015, 2; Freedom House 28 Jan. 2015; GSDRC 8 Mar. 2013, 2). Other sources state that it is a "chronic problem" (US 25 June 2015, 27) and a [UN English version] "systemic problem" (UN June 2012, para. 8). Sources state that, in Haiti, violence against women is part of a culture of discrimination (CGRS 14 June 2015, 2; UN Apr. 2013, 9; GSDRC 8 Mar. 2013, 2) and stereotypes against them (ibid.; UN Apr. 2013, 9).

In a submission made in 2014 to the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee, which cites various sources, including international and local NGOs, UN reports and articles published in specialized reviews, a collective formed of university institutions and NGOs found that violence against women and girls had "steadily increased" since 2009 (Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 15). Sources state that violence against women increased after the earthquake in the country in 2010 (Armstrong 7 May 2014; AI Oct. 2014, 9). According to the collective's report, unsafe living conditions in displacement camps are one of the factors for this increase in violence (Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 15). In correspondence sent to the Research Directorate, the Co-Legal Director at the Center for Gender & Refugee Studies (CGRS) at University of California Hastings College of the Law [1] pointed out that despite some progress due to the assistance and resources that were organized to fight violence against women following the earthquake, the conditions had deteriorated for women during the months prior to June 2015, particularly because the assistance and resources had decreased as time passed (CGRS 14 June 2015, 2-3).

According to sources, there are no reliable official statistics on the rate of violence against women (ibid., 2; AI Oct. 2014, 9). Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013 published by the United States Department of State reports however that the Haitian National Police (Police nationale d'Haïti, PNH) reported having received 301 complaints of rape and rape-related crimes between when the earthquake occurred in January 2010 and June 2013 (US 24 Feb. 2014, 31). However, according to Country Reports 2014, international observers reported 415 incidences of rape and rape-related crimes between January and September 2014 (US 25 June 2015, 27). A report published by MINUSTAH and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in June 2012 states that, [UN English version] "[a]s in other countries, many rape cases are never reported [by victims;] lack of information on the reporting process, fear of retaliation from perpetrators and limited access to legal aid all discourage reporting" (UN June 2012, para. 2). Similarly, the Co-Legal Director at CGRS stated that cases of gender-based violence are underreported to the authorities or to stakeholders, particularly because of the stigma to victims, the minimal access to social or legal services and the fear of retaliation (CGRS 14 June 2015, 2).

Members of organizations defending victims of violence have also been targeted (CGRS 14 June 2015, 3; KOFAVIV, MADRE and IWHR Oct. 2014, 7). According to a report presented by KOFAVIV, a Haitian NGO that provides assistance to rape victims (KOFAVIV n.d.a), and other women's rights organizations to the UN Human Rights Committee, after being identified as intermediaries for women victims of violence, two activists were raped during an intervention in a displaced persons camp in September 2011 (KOFAVIV, MADRE and IWHR Oct. 2014, 7).

2. Situation in Camps for Displaced Persons

The Co-Legal Director at CGRS stated that the situation of women and children living in the camps is [translation] "dire," and the living conditions there "greatly increase" the risk of being subjected to violence, including rape (14 June 2015, 3). Similarly, a research report on violence against women and girls in Haiti, published by the Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC), a partnership of organizations and institutes located in the United Kingdom that provides research services related to humanitarian response and conflict (GSDRC n.d.), states that forced displacements and poor living conditions in displaced persons camps increased the vulnerability of women to violence (ibid. 8 Mar. 2013, 2). Amnesty International (AI) states also that the displacements and living conditions in the displaced persons camps have increased the risks of facing gender-based violence for women and girls, while the destruction of police stations and court houses during the 2010 earthquake further weakened the state's ability to provide adequate protection (AI Oct. 2014, 9). According to the results of a survey mentioned by the Canadian Red Cross, 14 percent of women and girls living in the displaced persons camps reported one or more experiences with sexual abuse between 2010 and February 2013 (Canadian Red Cross 28 Feb. 2013).

A report on violence against women and sexual minorities in Haiti, presented by a group of human rights organizations to the UN Human Rights Committee states that women and girls who live in displaced persons camps are exposed to violence that puts their lives at risk (ANAPFEH et al. [2014], 11). Sources state that some women have been required to have sexual relations in exchange for food and money (CGRS 14 June 2015, 3; GJC and CHRGJ 2012, 49-50).

3. State Protection
3.1 Overview

Sources state that the Haitian justice system fosters impunity (CGRS 14 June 2015, 2, 6; Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 8; UN Apr. 2013, 3), including with respect to violence against women (ibid.; CGRS 14 June 2015, 2, 6). Freedom House states however that,

[w]hile impunity is still pervasive, efforts of the Ministry of Women, grassroots women's groups, and legal organizations have helped improve the response to sexual violence, including more effective prosecutions and the drafting of new laws that empower victims. (Freedom House 28 Jan. 2015)

However, according to a report prepared by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP),

[UN English version]

[i]n spite of ongoing efforts to strengthen the capacity of governmental institutions and the important role played by the Ministry of Justice and Public Security (ministère de la Justice et de la Sécurité publique) and the Ministry for the Status of Women and Women's Rights (ministère à la Condition féminine et aux Droits des femmes - MCFDF) state institutions remain fragile and weakened by ongoing institutional and political infighting. (UN Apr. 2013, 3-4)

A joint statement by the international women's rights organization MADRE and other human rights organizations fighting violence against women and sexual minorities in Haiti, presented in March 2013 to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, states also that "[r]epresentatives from haitian civil society and across government sectors have consistely agreed that Haiti's government lacks the capacity to eradicate violence and discrimination against women [and] girls" (MADRE, IGLHRC and IWHR n.d.).

3.2 Legislation Against Gender-Based Violence

In its 2014 world report, Human Rights Watch notes that [Human Rights Watch English version] "[a] draft law on combatting violence against women that would bring Haiti's criminal code in line with international standards has been discussed among members of parliament, but not officially introduced for debate" (Human Rights Watch 29 Jan. 2015, 2-3). That same report adds that

[Human Rights Watch English version]

[a] council of advisers to the president was reviewing two pending draft revisions to Haiti's criminal code that include acts of gender-based violence, such as rape and sexual assault, not currently in the code, with the expectation that a conciliated version would be presented to parliament in early 2015. (ibid., 3)

Corroborating information on the progress of these bills could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response. In its 2015 World Report, Human Rights Watch notes however that

[Human Rights Watch English version]

Haiti does not have specific legislation criminalizing rape, domestic violence, sexual harassment, or other forms of violence suffered by women. The shutdown of parliament in 2015 prevented any progress towards consideration of a draft law to address this gap in protection. (ibid. 27 Jan. 2016, 4)

Sources note that rape was reclassified by a 2005 decree (CGRS 14 June 2015, 4; Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 16). The report by the collective of university institutions and NGOs explains that this decree reclassified rape, previously considered an offense against morals, to a criminal offense, but did not provide a precise definition of rape or include the elements of "consent" or "marital rape" (ibid.). Country Reports 2015 states also that spousal rape is not recognized as a crime and that domestic violence against adults is not considered as a distinct crime (US 13 Apr. 2016, 23-24).

According to sources, the penalty for rape is a minimum of 10 years of forced labor, increasing to a mandatory 15 years if the victim is less than 16 years old (ibid.; CGRS 14 June 2015, 4). In the case of gang rape, the maximum penalty is lifelong forced labor (ibid.; US 3 Apr. 2016, 24). However, according to Country Reports 2015, actual sentences are often less rigorous, and prosecution is frequently not pursued due to lack of reporting and follow-up on victims' claims (ibid.). The Co-Legal Director at CGRS also stated that Penal Code provisions for battery and assault should also be applicable in cases of violence against women, but stated that "laws to punish perpetrators of violence against women, […] are rarely enforced" (CGRS 14 June 2015, 4).

3.3 Police Effectiveness

The Co-Legal Director at CGRS stated that "Haitian police have received some training in recent years and improvements are reported with regards to willingness of police to receive complaints" (CGRS 14 June 2015, 4). The UNDP report also states that [UN English version] "[m]any efforts have been undertaken to strengthen the capacity of the PNH to respond to gender[-based] violence," but adds that "[i]n spite of these efforts, the credibility of the police remains limited" (UN Apr. 2013, 18-19). According to that same source, although the police has units specializing in violence against women, [UN English version] "only a small number of police officers received a full training on gender violence and the number of police officers, especially women officers, is too low to respond to the demand" (ibid., 19). The Co-Legal Director at CGSR also stated that there is a limited number of specialized units for handling cases of gender-based violence (CGRS 14 June 2015, 6).

According to the report of violence against women and sexual minorities in Haiti, in the vast majority of the rape cases documented by KOFAVIV, the police conducted little to no investigation to find and arrest the perpetrators (ANAPFEH et al.[2014], 12-13). According to that source, the victims report being verbally harassed by police when they report the crimes (ibid., 13). The report also states that, according to KOFAVIV, rapists identified by their victims and arrested by the police had been released in exchange for a bribe (ibid.).

3.4 Effectiveness of the legal system

Sources state that women victims of violence who attempt to access the legal system face a number of obstacles (Human Rights Watch 3 Dec. 2014; Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. US 13 Apr. 2016, 24). According to a study conducted by the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH),

[translation]

[t]he medical certificate is regularly mentioned among the obstacles identified with respect to access to justice for women victims of rape. "Amicable" arrangements, often organized by justices of the peace, are another obstacle. Lack of rigour and negligence in recording complaints are contributing factors. (UN Aug. 2013, 1)

The collective of university institutions and NGOs report that the Haitian justice system lacks support, including for responding to cases of violence against women (Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 16). The legal procedure is described as "complex, intimidating and sometimes hostile [towards female victims of violence]" (Horton cited in GSDRC 8 Mar. 2013, 6). Similarly, the report by the collective of university institutions and NGOs, states that the judicial system presents "considerable obstacles" that are "discriminatory" towards women (Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 4). According to that same report,

[f]emale victims of violence and their families are reluctant to turn to the justice system due to abuse received by law enforcement, the sluggishness of prosecutions, costly legal fees, and preconceived notions of female behaviour. (ibid., para. 21)

The report concludes that "marginalization and exclusion from the justice system have led to an environment where female victims lack confidence in the system's ability to right the wrongs committed" (ibid.).

Sources state that the fear of social stigma is one of the reasons dissuading victims from seeking justice (MADRE, IGLHRC and IWHR n.d.; Human Rights Watch 3 Dec. 2014), along with their feeling of shame (ibid.). The report by GSDRC states that women victims of violence are stigmatized by their family and by society in general (Horton cited in GSDRC 8 Mar. 2013, 6). According to the statement made by MADRE and other organizations to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, "stigma and discrimination" faced by victims of gender-based violence "undermin[e] their ability to access justice when police, medical professionals, judges, or even family members discriminate aga[i]nst them" (MADRE, IGLHRC and IWHR n.d.). According to the Co-Legal Director at CGRS, there is a lack of confidence and trust in the system in general by women; she added that

[w]omen and girls face several barriers to filing complaints in the first place and in pursuing justice at each step in the system including lack of access or knowledge of rights, stigmatization and gender bias by government actors, fear of reprisal (and concomitant lack of witness protection), and corruption. (CGRS 14 June 2015, 6)

According to Country Reports 2015, in some cases, the authorities have dissuaded victims from pursuing their complaint in order to avoid "the public humiliation of a trial," and judges often released suspects who had been arrested for rape or domestic violence (US 13 Apr. 2016, 24). According to an article on access to justice for victims of rape in Haiti, published by Juvenile Justice Information Exchange (JJIE), an American publication covering juvenile justice systems (JJIE n.d.), because of delays that lengthen judicial procedures, women often give up and instead try to make a deal with the rapists to get monetary compensation (Armstrong 7 May 2014).

According to that same article, few cases of rape make it to court and even fewer to the point of a conviction (ibid.). Similarly, according to the results of a study by MINUSTAH for the period from January 2012 to March 2013 concerning cases of violence reported in seven departments in Haiti, the government has not met its responsibility of conducting the necessary investigations and ensuring rape victims have sufficient access to the judicial system (UN Aug. 2013, 1). Country Reports 2013 reports that according to an unnamed women's rights NGO, among the 600 rape cases reported to the police between the January 2010 earthquake and June 2013, only five cases resulted in the guilty being convicted (US 24 Feb. 2014, 31). The collective of university institutions and NGOs cites a UN report stating that of 62 cases of rape reported to the police during a three-month period in Port-au-Prince in 2012, no case was presented to the court in the year after the complaint was submitted (Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 16). The MINUSTAH study indicates that, according to the data gathered, about 2 percent of rape complaints were sent to the assize court (UN Aug. 2013, 17). According to the article published by JJIE, judicial procedures are slowed down by delays, and the Minister of Justice admitted that, although rape cases from the time they are reported should not take more than four months to be heard in court, some cases may take up to five years (Armstrong 7 May 2014).

3.5 Requirement of Medical Certificate for Legal Proceedings in Rape Cases

Sources state that it is necessary to provide a medical certificate to prove rape (UN 21 Nov. 2014; Armstrong 7 May 2014). The UN Human Rights Committee states that a medical certificate is required to initiate criminal proceedings (UN 21 Nov. 2014). Similarly, the article published by JJIE states that prosecutors and police will not help rape victims if they do not have a medical certificate (Armstrong 7 May 2014).

According to the report by the collective of university institutions and NGOs, women, particularly those from underprivileged areas, face various obstacles to obtaining a medical certificate, such as the inability to get to the medical facility, the lack of awareness of health services available or even the fear of undergoing a clinical examination, particularly by a male doctor (Boston College Law School et al. 12 Sept. 2014, para. 19). The same source adds that rape does not always leave injuries indicating the use of physical force, and if the medical certificate does not show the use of force, the judge and prosecutor will dismiss the case "for lack of evidence of force" (ibid., para. 20). The UN Human Rights Committee notes however, without providing details, that it is possible for rape victims to obtain a medical certificate for free (UN 21 Nov. 2014).

4. Support Services
4.1 State Services

According to the Co-Legal Director at CGRS, public assistance services for victims of gender-based violence are "virtually nonexistent," except for some services available in medical centres for rape victims (CGRS 14 June 2015, 7). She adds that

access to these services is impeded due to a lack of knowledge of their availability, concentration of resources/inability to travel to the facilities, and shame or fear of stigma or reprisal for seeking assistance. (ibid.).

According to Country Reports 2013, between June 2012 and the end of 2013, the Haitian authorities referred 2,300 victims of gender-based violence to psychological support services and testing centres for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases (US 24 Feb. 2014, 33). Country Reports 2014 adds that from October 2013 to September 2014, 2,294 victims of gender-based violence had received similar support by the authorities (ibid. 25 June 2015, 29).

Country Reports 2013 states that, in 2013, stakeholders from 30 health care institutions received training to be able to identify cases of gender-based violence and refer victims to the social and legal services available (ibid. 24 Feb. 2014, 33). Country Reports 2014 states that this training continued in 2014 (ibid. 25 June 2015, 29).

4.2 Services Provided by Civil Society Organizations

The report by GSDRC states that there is an "array" of international organizations, NGOs and local associations working to address violence against women in Haiti (GSDRC 8 Mar. 2013, 2). That same source adds that they mainly collect data, provide medical and legal assistance, provide "safe spaces," run awareness-raising campaigns and try to increase women's access to economic opportunities (ibid.).

The UNDP report states the following:

[UN English version]

In terms of support and assistance available for victims, civil society groups, in particular grass-roots organizations have been most active and offer in many regions of the country an integrated support, including medical and psycho-social care, and in some instances legal assistance. (UN Apr. 2013, 3)

The UNDP report also provides the following details about organizations working in the area of violence against women:

[UN English version]

The most prominent women's organizations are Kay Famm (Women's House), which receives and supports victims of violence and runs a shelter [2]; Famm Deside (Decisive Women) [3]; SOFA (Solidarity Haitian Women) [4], which offers integrated services to women and girls who have been victims of violence throughout the country. These organizations have organized themselves at the national level, through the Coordination nationale pour le plaidoyer pour les droits des femmes (CONAP). Other groups which provide services to women include GUESKIO which offers integrated health services for raped women; and URAMEL (Research Unit for medico-legal action) [located in Port-au-Prince (LDH n.d.)], which is tasked with the forensic support of victims of sexual violence. (ibid., 17-18)

In addition, the website of the KOFAVIV Commission states that the organization provides the following services to women and children who are victims of gender-based violence: orientation and support of victims towards available medical and psychosocial care, as well as towards legal services; temporary housing offered to victims of sexual abuse and spousal violence; rehabilitation and social reintegration program for child victims of forced prostitution; relocation program for internally displaced people (for single-parent and vulnerable families); and economic renewal program (KOFAVIV n.d.b).

The report on violence against women and sexual minorities in Haiti states that KOFAVIV runs, in partnership with other organizations, an emergency telephone line for victims of sexual violence; the call center, which is available 24h/24, received 1,700 calls between September 2012 and 2014 (ANAPFEH et al. [2014], 12).

4.3 Housing Services

Amnesty International reports that Haitian women's rights organizations have established some shelters for victims, but adds that the capacity of these shelters remains dependent on funding and is generally limited (AI Oct. 2014, 11-12). The UNDP report also mentions that there is a shortage of shelters able to receive women who have had to escape violence (UN Apr. 2013, 24). The UN Human Rights Committee notes that shelters have been established, but states that they are few in number and are difficult to reach (ibid. 21 Nov. 2014).

4.4 Legal Assistance

The UN Human Rights Committee states that it is concerned about [UN English version] "the low level of protection from violence against women, in particular rape," noting that women victims of violence have limited access to legal assistance (UN 21 Nov. 2014). For example, the UNDP report notes that

[UN English version]

[t]he Legal Assistance Bureau (Bureau d'assistance légale - BAL) which has resumed its work under the authority of the Ministry of Justice, […] is currently operating in Port-au-Prince only, has limited capacity and is not specialized in the provision of assistance to victims. (ibid. Apr. 2013, 3)

4.5 Health Care

The Haitian Group for the Study of Kaposi's Sarcoma and Opportunistic infections (Groupe haïtien d'étude du sarcome de Kaposi et des infections opportunistes, GHESKIO), founded in 1982 in Port-au-Prince in response to the HIV epidemic (GHESKIO n.d.a), provides free medical services to rape victims, including counseling, emergency contraception and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases (ibid. n.d.b). The GHESKIO program was implemented in 25 health facilities (private and public) across the country; however, the source does not specify the intervention zones for each facility (ibid. n.d.c).

4.6 Situation in Rural Areas

A report on sexual violence in Haiti, produced by journalist Anne-Christine d'Adesky and the PotoFanm+Fi women's advocacy, states that the cities in the provinces and the rural regions lack resources and services for victims of gender-based violence, as most of these resources and services are located in Port-au-Prince (d'Adesky 2012, 10-11). The UN Human Rights Committee states that the shelters are more difficult to reach in rural areas (UN 21 Nov. 2014). However, the UNDP report states that women's rights groups [UN English version] "are present in the capital as well as in the provinces and rural areas" (ibid. Apr. 2013, 17). Further information on the availability of services offered to victims of gender-based violence in rural regions could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

Notes

[1] CGRS focuses specifically on the issues of women, children and sexual minorities; it has carried out research on violence against women in Haiti, including conducting interviews in the field (CGRS 14 June 2013).

[2] The Kay Fanm Centre is located in Port-au-Prince (World Social Forum n.d.).

[3] According to a quarterly report for April-June 2013 published by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and MINUSTAH, Fanm Deside runs a centre in Jacmel; that year, Fanm Deside informed the UN that its centre had [translation] "serious financial problems" (UN n.d., 24).

[4] On its website, SOFA states that it has over 8,000 [translation] "active members spread out in seven of the country's ten geographic departments including, Nord, Nord-Ouest, Plateau Central, Artibonite, Ouest, Sud-Est and Grande-Anse" (SOFA 8 Nov. 2012).

References

D'Adesky, Anne-Christine and PotoFanm+Fi. November 2012. Beyond Shock. Charting the Landscape of Sexual Violence in Post-quake Haiti: Progress, Challenges & Emerging Trends 2010-2012. Abridged version. [Accessed 7 Mar. 2016]

Amnesty International (AI). October 2014. Haïti : Communication au Comité des droits de l'homme des Nations Unies. 112e session du Comité des droits de l'hommes des Nations Unies, 7-31 octobre 2014. (AMR 36/012/2014) [Accessed 7 Mar. 2016]

Armstrong, Lisa. 7 May 2014. "The Rapist and the Girl Next Door: The Paradox of Prosecuting Rape Cases in Haiti." Juvenile Justice Information Exchange (JJIE). [Accessed 12 May 2015]

Association nationale de protection des femmes et enfants haïtiens (ANAPFEH) et al. [2014]. Fighting for our Lives: Violence and Discrimination Against Women and LGBT Persons in Haiti - In Response to the Second Periodic Report of the Republic of Haiti. Submission for the 112th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Committee, held in Geneva from 7 to 31 October 2014. [Accessed 16 June 2016]

Boston College Law School, Bureau des avocats internationaux (BAI), Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), Université de la Fondation Dr. Aristide and University of Miami School of Law Human Rights Clinic. 12 September 2014. Access to Judicial Remedies in Haiti. Submission for the 112th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Committee, held in Geneva from 7 to 31 October 2014. [Accessed 20 May 2015]

Canadian Red Cross. 28 February 2013. "Why Does Violence Escalate After Disasters?" [Accessed 29 May 2015]

Center for Gender & Refugee Studies (CGRS), University of California Hastings College of the Law. 14 June 2015. Correspondence sent to the Research Directorate by the Co-Legal Director.

Freedom House. 28 January 2015. "Haiti." Freedom in the World 2015. [Accessed 7 Mar. 2016]

Global Justice Clinic (GJC) and Center for Human Rights and Global Justice (CHRGJ), New York University School of Law. 2012. Yon Je Louvri: Reducing Vulnerability to Sexual Violence in Haiti's IDP Camps. [Accessed 7 Mar. 2016]

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MADRE, International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) and City University of New York (CUNY) School of Law International Women's Human Rights (IWHR) Clinic. N.d. "Patterns of Violence and Discrimination Against Women and Girls and LGBT People in Haiti in the Context of HIV/AIDS." Statement presented at the 57th Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, in New York from 4 to 15 March 2013. [Accessed 31 July 2015]

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Additional sources consulted

Oral sources : Digital Democracy; FAVILEK; Fédération nationale de la jeunesse pour le développement; The Goldin Institute; Groupe concertation des femmes victimes; Haiti Action Committee; KOFAVIV; Réseau national de défense des droits humains; Solidarité Fanm Ayisen; Unitarian Universalist Service Committee; United Nations - United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti.

Internet sites, including: Agence France-Presse; AlterNET; BBC; Bureau des avocats internationaux; Centre for Human Rights and Global Justice; Collectif Haïti de France; ecoi.net; Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l'homme; Le Figaro; France24; Haiti - ministère à la Condition féminine et aux Droits des femmes, ministère de la Santé publique et de la Population, Police nationale d'Haïti; Haïti-Référence; Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti; Institut Nord-Sud; International Crisis Group; MADRE; Migrants outre-mer; The New York Times; Le Nouvelliste; Organisation internationale de la francophonie; Panos Caraïbes; La Presse; Radio France internationale; Radio métropole; Syfia international; United Nations - United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, United Nations Development Programme, Refworld.