Zimbabwe: Retaliation by ZANU-PF and war veteran supporters against the Ndebele people or other civilians following the July 2001 mayoral elections in Bulawayo

Information on July 2001 Bulawayo mayoral elections could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate. However, various reports note that the Bulawayo mayoral elections took place on 8-9 September 2001 (AMANI Trust 14 Sept. 2001; Klipsan Press 10 Sept. 2001; Country Reports 2001 2002 Section 1.d).

According to the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the opposition party, "the government's decision to postpone the Bulawayo mayoral elections from the 23rd and 24th of June to the 8th and 9th of September 2001 is designed to facilitate ZANU-PF's attempts to tamper around the electoral process" (MDC Press 4 July 2001).

Without referring specifically to the Ndebele people, a 12 September 2001 BBC report stated that "following the announcement of the Bulawayo result, there were reports of ZANU-PF supporters beating people up in the streets for having voted for the opposition. ... Zimbabwe's president has never enjoyed strong support in Bulawayo, the capital of the minority ethnic Ndebeles."

A 10 September 2001 Zimbabwe Infoline report noted that the September 2001 Bulawayo election "was marked by intimidation and accusations of vote rigging by supporters of Mr. Mugabe's ZANU PF party. ... [MDC] officials filmed busloads of youths arriving in the city, allegedly to vote illegally for ZANU PF. The passengers all spoke Shona, spoken mostly in central Zimbabwe, instead of the local Bulawayo language Ndebele."

According to Country Reports 2001, "on September 8 in Bulawayo, police arrested three bodyguards of MDC M.P. David Coltart during a mayoral election and confiscated their video camera and radios. The three were held for 2 days for possessing an 'unlicensed two-way radio.' Police raided their homes and confiscated their guns – although all of them were registered legally – and accused the three of possessing weapons of war. The MDC accused the police of arresting the three for trying to film ZANU-PF attempts to manipulate the election" (2002, Section 1.d.).

The following overview from the AMANI Trust, a Bulawayo-based Zimbabwe human rights organization, provided details on the 8-9 September 2001 Bulawayo city council elections, including results and some cases of violence and intimidation, (including actors and victims), which may be of interest.

Election 2001: The residents of Bulawayo voted on the 8th and 9th September 2001 to elect a new Executive Mayor and also seven councillors, in wards that had been without councillors since the last full City Council election in August 1999.

1.Voter turn-out:

Notwithstanding the fact that there was a significant increase compared to the 1999 voter turnout of 5%, the voter turnout of 20% is nonetheless lower than might have been anticipated, considering the very politicised environment in which all Zimbabweans now live, the high media attention in the Bulawayo papers, and the fact that the Presidential campaign could be considered to have effectively begun. Fewer votes than anticipated can be variously attributed to:

Political intimidation: which was less of a factor than in all other elections so far this year in Zimbabwe, but nonetheless played a role in the final days of the pre-election period.

Reduced numbers of polling stations: which meant in some cases that voters had to walk 8 or 9 km to cast their votes: in Njube, for example, there was one polling station servicing 19,000 registered voters. In the 2001 general election there were 175 polling stations in Bulawayo, compared with only 72 in this election; this constitutes a 60% reduction in access to polling stations.

Voters turned away at polls: a fairly high proportion of would-be voters were turned away at the polls because their names were not on the voters' roll; this figure was as high as 20% of aspiring voters at some stations. There were many reports received of people who definitely registered earlier this year, and who went to several different wards looking for their names and were unable to find them, or who were turned away because of inconsistencies in spelling of names, etc.

Multiple voters' rolls: there was no comprehensive voters' roll available: there were 28 separate voters' rolls, one per ward, plus an apparently substantial supplementary roll, compared with 7 rolls in the 2000 general election. This exacerbated the above problem, as people could not be correctly redirected or assured that their name was in fact registered in an adjacent ward.

The generally perceived unimportance of council elections: the 5% vote in 1999 gives clear indication of the low status of city council elections: this is perhaps an overriding factor. The voter turn out in this mayoral election should therefore not be considered indicative of how many people may vote in the Presidential election in Bulawayo: far greater numbers of voters can be assumed for this all-important election.

2. Commentary on aspects of the mayoral campaign:

The Bulawayo Mayoral election is one that clearly posed problems for ZANU-PF in terms of strategy. In the general election of 2000, the ruling party was severely trounced in Bulawayo, with MDC candidates winning all seats with impressive margins, in many cases capturing more than 80% of the vote.

Violence and intimidation: It must be unambiguously stated that the Bulawayo mayoral election compaign has been undoubtedly the least violent election in Zimbabwe this year

Impunity: of particular relevance in terms of what it reveals about ZANU-PF's attitude to violence within the party, is the fact that one of the ZANU-PF candidates up for council election was Collen Ndlovu. Ndlovu currently faces criminal charges of "aggravated kidnapping" – he is among the men who are positively identified as responsible for the disappearance of Patrick Nabanyama on 19 June 2000: Nabanyama has never been seen again, and is assumed murdered. Collen Ndlovu is among seven accused of the crime, and it would appear astonishing that any political party could put him forward for public office. To date the courts have not proceeded with the case against the accused – this is merely one of many cases illustrating selective justice, and the culture of impunity for those who commit political violence that favours ZANU-PF. Ndlovu polled 337 votes, to Mhlanga's 2203 (MDC).

Chinotimba: the daily Bulawayo newspaper The Chronicle, which is government-backed, reported the dilemma of ZANU-PF as they considered the possibility of deploying Joseph Chinotimba, acting head of the War Veterans' Association, to lead the Bulawayo mayoral campaign. This could have signalled the beginning of an intensely violent campaign period, and Chinotimba was in fact deployed to Bulawayo for a few days. It quickly appeared that Bulawayo sentiment was extremely opposed to the imposition of a clear outsider to tell them who to vote for, and also to the prospect of a bloody door to door battle. ZANU-PF may have recognised that a violent campaign would not sway opinion in favour of ZANU-PF. Residents in Matabeleland have proved consistently in the last 20 years that violence, even gross crimes against humanity by the government of the day, is unlikely to prevent them from supporting the party of their choice.[2] Chinotimba was withdrawn from the city.

While the ZANU policy seemed to be to use less violence than has been seen elsewhere in 2000/1 elections, intimidatory and/or illegal incidents occurred nonetheless.

Examples of violent incidents:

The following summary focuses on a few well documented incidents of violence and intimidation during the few days before and after the voting: groups of war veterans set up camps in schools in Bulawayo during this time, which corresponded with an increase in violence reports. There were three such camps reported in Nketa, Bulawayo South. Nights of drumming, toyi-toying and intimidatory behaviour were reported, including the targeting of the houses of known MDC supporters: the windows of such houses were banged and aggressive slogans shouted.

5 September: youths went with others to "rescue" 2 colleagues who had been caught by ZANU youth/war vets and beaten; both had been handcuffed. On reaching the place, [the] client was hit in [the] (left) retroauricular area of the head with a blunt object, leaving him disoriented. Medical report.

5-13 September: 3 MDC youths beaten and detained for about 13 hours by ZANU people who camped at Bambameni Primary School (Pumula North), just some 100 metres from one client's home. The intimidation continues in this area, one week post election: youths are reported to be on the run, afraid of abductions.

5-13 September: there are reports of particular vehicles cruising both pre and post election, abducting MDC youths. There is an "ambulance 17" which is associated with abductions. This ambulance arrives at homes insisting the residents have summoned it, and then allegedly abducts people. A Nissan truck is also reported as suspicious.

7 September: two youths badly assaulted by ZANU-PF supporters: one sustains a broken arm and the other a soft tissue wound to the head.

9 September: attempted assassination of four MDC top officials outside the Bulawayo MDC office on the second day of voting. MDC Vice President Gibson Sibanda, Sec. Gen. Welshman Ncube, Shadow Min Paul Themba Nyathi and Fletcher Dhlamini were summoned by a phone call from an unknown person to the MDC offices at 9 pm. As they arrived, hunting lights were turned on to them from across the road and four shots were fired, although nobody was hit.

9 September: later that same night, MDC supporters guarding the office were chased and beaten by riot police outside the same offices. As the police advanced, they ran away: they were told to stop running or risk being shot. Most ran away, but those who did not were asked if they were MDC. When they said that they were, they were badly assaulted with boots and truncheons, by the riot police.

One medical report. The history of beating and kicking complies with clinical findings of fresh injury to trunk, left arm, both lower legs with soft injury to skin, periosteum of right tibia, right ankle, and also injury to left lower leg such that [the] client was not able to walk alone, without support. Of concern, and collating with history of blunt trauma to trunk was finding of haematuria: possible kidney damage.

September 10th: violence at Renkini: as the election results were being announced mid-afternoon, and it became clear that MDC had won all the wards, there were reports of ZANU-PF supporters attacking randomly passers-by in the vicinity of the old ZANU-PF offices in 6th Ave. Extension. ZANU-PF supporters drove trucks, which were loaded with stones and about 30 to 40 youths and war veterans, to the vicinity of Renkini Bus Station. They later started assaulting any passing people with sjamboks, throwing stones at every car that passed along 6th Avenue Extension between Lobengula and Engen Service Station: unknown number of minibuses and private cars were damaged.

The minibus, conductors and youths from Makokoba suburb, angered by the ZANU-PF supporters' action, retaliated and overpowered ZANU-PF supporters, who in turn called in the Riot Police. They barricaded the road where stone throwing took place, and beat and chased people.

While the ZANU-PF supporters were stoning cars along 6th Avenue Extension where Mzilikazi Police Station is situated, the Police closed and locked their gate: a guard armed with an assault rifle was guarding the station. No attempts were made by the police to stop the stoning or to protect those being assaulted.

Vendors in front of St. Patrick's Church, Makokoba, state that they witnessed a person who was beaten up by war vets in front of St. Patrick's Church in Makokoba: this person then managed to get into a moving company vehicle which also had been damaged during the disturbances.

4 assaulted clients from this incident were seen at Mpilo Central Hospital. However clients were treated and discharged and it is not clear what sort of injuries were sustained. An unspecified further number of clients were not fully attended to because they could not afford hospital fees.

[An] AMANI client reports having been stoned in this incident, and also to having been assaulted with whips and rocks a week previously, by ZANU supporters. Medical report: blunt trauma to face and upper part of body, and slightly older trauma to back. Loss of skin on face and shoulders complies with recent history, and grazes on back are in accord with beatings with whip-like instruments.

A 29-year-old man was stabbed by a war vet during these disturbances at Renkini Terminus. The war vet accused him of being "one of them", referring to the opposition, and stabbed [the] client in the chest. [The] client slept overnight at Mpilo Hospital casualty after receiving stitches, but refused proper hospital treatment because he was required to pay $300 upfront and he had no money. [An] AMANI doctor treated him: [the] client had injuries to left anterior chest wall and upper left arm with marked swelling around incision. Consistent with blows to chest and arm with sharp instrument applied with moderate force sufficient to cause some severe, but temporary, incapacity and pain.

10 September: woman assaulted by former husband who is a war vet. She sustained injury on the left ear and was hospitalised. The client also earlier sustained head injuries and two scars on her head due to assault because of differences in party affiliation. husband accuses [the] client of having relatives who support MDC party. [The] husband has forced [the] client to join ZANU PF.

While AMANI has not had clients who claim to have been beaten by MDC, there have certainly been such claims in The Chronicle, and it would be unlikely that no such incidents have taken place.

Harassment and false charges:

Throughout August there was a consistent campaign of [harassment toward] specific Bulawayo MPs and prospective MDC candidates, particularly through the media.

There were repeated innuendos about the "divisive" Breaking the Silence: Building True Peace report on the Gukurahundi atrocities in Matabeleland in the 1980s[4] : The Chronicle referred repeatedly to this report throughout the campaign period, and seemed to be trying to build some kind of solidarity with people in Matabeleland, not by denouncing the contents of the report, which hold the current government accountable for ordering massacres in Matabeleland, but by denouncing those who would publicise it. Almost every day for several weeks before the mayoral vote, the state media ran a campaign that kept finding yet another group of people to condemn the concept of the report being serialised in the independent press, or which deflected full responsibility for the atrocities to other parties. Dissidents and South African spies were extensively consulted on the issue, among others. The editor of The Daily News was portrayed as morally suspect and unfit to be publicising the report, on the grounds that when he edited The Chronicle, pro-5 Brigade statements appeared in it.

A few specific examples of harassment:

September 1: on a day-trip to Bulawayo to open the new Reserve Bank mint, President Mugabe makes anti-semitic comments and blames the closure of businesses in Bulawayo, on a plot by local Jewish businessmen working with Jews in South Africa. At the time, he is standing outside a business that was battling to survive economically earlier this year, and was starting to recover economically until war vets invaded the firm and extorted money.

Pre-election, an MDC candidate who went to report youths who were tearing down his posters, is himself arrested by the police.

Throughout the pre-election period, there were racist attacks and attempts to link MDC with whites and Rhodesians. A few recent Chronicle headlines will serve to illustrate this point:

4 September: "Die hard Rhodesians link up on internet" – links "Rhodesians" with local businessmen, with MDC.

4 September: "Workers forced to attend MDC rallies" – white-owned companies working with white MDC MP David Coltart accused of forcing people to rallies: this was part of a sustained attack on David Coltart throughout the election period.

13 September: post election, Minister John Nkomo refers to the fact that in Bulawayo, most votes were cast by whites and blacks stayed away, which is why MDC, which is a white party, won. Considering the fact that most mayoral votes were cast in the 99%-black residential high density suburbs, and all votes for the seven councillors, 79% of which went to MDC, were cast in the high density suburbs, this is a remarkable statement. It is not easy to establish the number of registered white voters in Bulawayo – and nor should it be necessary to racially discriminate among voters – but the number could be imagined to be scarcely more than 10,000, and probably less than this.

11 September: the day the election results were announced, Jonathan Moyo published a full page statement by himself: in this he refers repeatedly to MDC as being "so crude", "so violent" and "so foreign" and refers to their "British and Amercian sponsors". He refers, without mentioning any specific incidents, to MDC's dirty tricks that are now exposed: "everyone knows what the whites behind the MDC do and how they do it". He refers to the "opposition and foreigners" celebrating an "empty" MDC victory and wishing to divide the nation.

8 September: the police impounded an MDC truck on the first day of the voting, ostensibly because it was evidence in an upcoming case against MDC: this reduced the capacity of MDC to transport people to the polls. Police also temporarily impounded an official US embassy vehicle that arrived to monitor these events at the MDC offices: this vehicle was an accredited election-monitoring vehicle.

8 September: on Saturday morning as the voting began, MP David Coltart observed busloads of shaven headed Shona-speaking youths being disembarked in Bulawayo. He established that they were coming in on the bus company owned by Vice President Muzenda, from the Harare road. They were given vouchers as they disembarked and then dispersed across town. This process has been recorded by camera and video.

There is no unequivocal evidence of what these youth were doing: it is contended that these youths were bussed in to sway the vote against MDC in certain constituencies. However, at this stage this remains surmisal, as there is no record of specific youths being traced to actual polling stations. However, these events are in keeping with similar patterns in Masvingo, Bikita West and Bindura West, of the issuing of substantial supplementary voters' rolls at the last minute, plus the sudden arrival of hundreds or thousands of youths previously not known of in the area, to vote.

It must be added that if this should have been the policy, in Bulawayo it clearly did not work when one analyses the election results. This incident also probably does not amount to the claims made by the Daily News of "massive fraud", although it could have been "fraud".

The official government response to the influx of youths was that they were soldiers being bussed in to spend their pay, but this story varied a little over time: first they were coming to get their pay, then to spend it, and firstly from Mbalabala and then from Llewellyn Barracks, once it was revealed they had been seen on the Harare road heading into town, and not on the Johannesburg road.

When Coltart's bodyguards filmed the soldiers arriving, there was a very angry response from the authorities. This led to the arrest of Coltart's three bodyguards. They were held for effectively 4 days without being charged or brought before the courts, while the police tried to find suitable allegations. Their houses were searched without warrants, and weapons were found: all weapons were legally licensed apart from one .22. However, the guns were displayed in the public media as "weapons of war" and "arms caches".

One of the bodyguards is an insulin dependent diabetic, and his health became an issue of grave concern during this time period. The police were not co-operative in ensuring that he received the necessary medication on time, and his health was deteriorating.

The bodyguards finally appeared before the courts and the magistrate threw out the charges against them as entirely without foundation.

9 September: charges of bribery were laid against the MDC mayoral candidate, Japhet Ndabeni Ncube, for giving his uncle $20 for a Coke in the voting queue – this was more ridiculous than intimidatory, particularly in the context of the more than Z$12 million handed out by ZANU-PF in the weeks before the vote.

"Money for projects"

It appears that ZANU-PF appointed Jonathan Moyo, the Minister of Information, to head their Bulawayo mayoral campaign. Certainly, the most notable aspect of the campaign was the relentless propaganda in the government-backed Chronicle, including several articles about Jonathan Moyo himself, in which Bulawayo residents allegedly compare him to Joshua Nkomo, the "Father of Zimbabwe" and the most popular political figure in the regional history.

A quick summary of some of the promises made, projects materialised [and] money disbursed in Bulawayo in the last five weeks, as revealed by The Chronicle, is given below[6] .

Train service comes to Bulawayo : 1 August – introduction of a below-cost commuter train service to offset recent fuel and taxi hikes is announced. References to this service and the fact that it is "an instant hit" continues throughout the month of August, notably on 2, 3, 4, 9, 22, 23, 24, and 25th. The train launch is on [the] 23rd and various ZANU-PF ministers come to Bulawayo for this.

Government to pay Bulawayo debt: 24 August – the government owes Bulawayo City Council Z$500 million for local services. Payment of Z$80 million towards this debt, or l6% of the total owing, is made at a ceremony attended by ten senior government officials including 3 cabinet ministers – a front page photograph shows cheques being handed over with great ceremony: no mention is made as to when the outstanding debt to Bulawayo of Z$420 million will be met. Some of the money has been owing since the 1980s.

Minister disburses 12 million in city: 27 August – Minister of Youth and Gender, Elliot Manyika hands over Z$12 million to residents in Bulawayo: these loans require no collatoral. The Minister specifically mentions that these loans are "not meant to buy votes".

33 billion secured for Matabeleland Zambezi Water Pipeline: 29 August – it is announced that this project, first mooted in the middle of the last century and intended to bring water to Bulawayo from the Zambezi, has finally been financed by Malaysians.[7] The same paper comments that MDC is worried about its shrinking support base, and states that ZANU-PF is confident of victory.

Water project to create 17,000 jobs: 31 August – people in rural Matabeleland are assured that these jobs will all go to locals from the region, once building on the pipeline begins. The same paper reports that "Bulawayo is set to boom".

Minister gives Z$400,000 to vendors association: 7 September, eve of the election – Min. Jonathon Moyo disburses enough money in two suburbs to "benefit virtually every household, especially informal traders", saying ZANU was "not politicking": people had requested to be economically empowered, and as ZANU-PF was a "pragmatic people's party" they were now merely meeting that request.

Upcoming traders to get $10 million from Govt: 8 September: on the first day of the election, The Chronicle reports an eve-of-election rally: Minister Jonathon Moyo promises that "within two weeks" the government will give $10 million to Bulawayo Upcoming Traders' Association to boost the informal sector.

Conclusion and recommendations:

The Bulawayo mayoral election held few surprises. Unfortunately, violence increased towards, during and after the election, as expected. The government also resorted to its familiar pattern of promises of money and development in the five weeks prior to the election, and handed out vast amounts of tax payers' money with little accountability.

Alternative political parties had no space in the public media to campaign, and their senior officials were intimidated, harassed, faced false charges, and were even shot at with impunity. MDC supporters were attacked, at times they retaliated, and it is claimed at times they initiated violence. All acts of violence by all parties must be condemned.

The voters' rolls were clearly in a shambles. This is serious, with the presidential election ahead. A significant number of potential voters lost out on their right to vote as a result of not being on the roll although they had registered, or being registered in the wrong ward. Others were effectively kept from voting by their distance from polling stations.

What was most encouraging was to perceive that in spite of what can only be described as an unfair campaign, bearing the above in mind, the people of Bulawayo who were concerned enough to vote, clearly felt able to express their opinion. The lower than predicted voter turnout could be a reflection that intimidation did work to the extent that perhaps some felt that voting was too risky and stayed away.

Recommendations:

All political parties should refrain from acts of violence and intimidation as the nation approaches the presidential campaign.

All political parties should have equal access to publicly funded media to give all members of the public equal access to different opinions.

Those who commit acts of political violence or other illegal acts should be immediately charged and given a fair trial within the terms of existing laws.

The voters' roll needs to be transparently revised and updated, and all political parties should have access to the voters' rolls. This process should be overseen by a supervisory body and not be left to the Registrar General's Office.

The number of polling stations needs to be dramatically increased to ensure adequate access to voting facilities for all citizens.

There is a need for intensive voter education to ensure that the maximum number of potential voters exercise their voting rights in the presidential election.

All polling stations should be independently monitored, and the presence of both local and international monitors should be facilitated in every way and not obstructed.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Please find below the list of additional sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

References

AMANI Trust [Bulawayo]. 14 September 2001. Shari Eppel. Bulawayo City Council Elections: 1999 and 2001: An Overview. First Draft. [Accessed 11 Apr. 2002]

BBC News. 12 September 2001. "Zimbabwe's Political Divide Deepens." [Accessed 11 Apr. 2002]

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2001. 2002. United States Department of State. Washington, DC. [Accessed 11 Apr. 2002]

Klipsan Press. 10 September 2001. Disk VI, No. 28. "Election Notes: Zimbabwe." [Accessed 11 Apr. 2002]

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Press. 4 July 2001. "Government's New Dates for the Bulawayo Mayoral Elections Meant To Facilitate Rigging." [Accessed 10 Apr. 2002]

Zimbabwe Infoline. 10 September 2001. "Byo Poll Rigged." [Accessed 11 Apr. 2002]

Additional Sources Consulted

Africa Confidential July-October 2001.

Africa Research Bulletin July-October 2001.

IRB Databases.

Keesing's Record of World Events July-October 2001.

LEXIS/NEXIS.

Resource Centre country file. Zimbabwe. 2001.

Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum. August 2001. Political Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001: A Report of the Campaign of Political Repression Conducted by the Zimbabwean Government under the Guise of Carrying Out Land Reform.

Web sites, including:

Amnesty International.

BBC Africa.

Elections Around the World.

The Financial Gazette [Harare].

Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Immigration & Nationality Directorate, UK.

The Mail & Guardian [Johannesburg].

Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA).

Missionary Service News Agency (MISNA).

Panafrican News Agency (PANA).

ReliefWeb.

Zimbabwe Human Rights ONG Forum.

Zimbabwe Standard [Harare].

Search engines, including:

Google.

Lycos.

[1] There have been brutal election campaigns in Bikita West, Bindura West, Masvingo, Makoni West so far this year: see: Eppel, Draminsky and Legg, "Organised Election Violence in Zimbabwe 2001", in Torture, Quarterly Journal, volume 11, no 2, May 2001, plus monthly narratives and statistical summaries of violence by Amani Trust – on request: Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum also releases monthly updates.

[2] In 1985, after three years of 5 Brigade atrocities aimed at destroying Matabeleland popular support for ZAPU, every parliamentary seat in the region was nonetheless returned to ZAPU: similarly, in the 2000 general election, 21 out of 23 seats in Matabeleland North, South, and Bulawayo, went to MDC, in spite of pre-election violence and intimidation by the ruling party.

[3] The reports given here are by no means exhaustive: the September narrative summary will in due course include a more complete account of incidents.

[4] "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands, 1980 – 1988"; CCJP and LRF; 1997. This report was the first substantial document on the massacres in Matabeleland under this government.

[5] This article on Page 5 of The Chronicle makes remarkable reading.

[6] All stories and all quotes are from The Chronicle of the day, as indicated. Bold italics indicates title of article.

[7] Previous announcements of a firm intention to finance this project were most recently made by the government in 1995 and 1998.