Mark Devenport

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For months, it's been the joint mantra from both Dublin and London - that after Brexit, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland should be as "seamless and frictionless as possible".

That phrase hinted both at an ideal flexible arrangement in the future and an ideal shared approach from both the UK and Irish governments, together stressing to the EU the paramount importance of doing nothing that might constitute any kind of risk to the political progress made over recent decades.

But is that seamless approach unravelling and could Brexit become a source of greater friction between the two governments?

Both the Brexit Secretary David Davis and DUP leader Arlene Foster have been fond of talking about technology as the answer to Ireland's post-Brexit problems.

Yes, they acknowledge, putting old-style customs checkpoints right on the border would be unacceptable for both political and security reasons.

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So a pause in the talks and no progress likely before September.

Was that a consequence of the DUP Conservative deal, as Sinn Féin argued?

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So the cheque is in the post after the DUP agreed to back Theresa May's minority government in Commons votes.

As a result, Northern Ireland will receive an extra £1bn during the next two years as part of the deal, but what could prevent the Stormont parties setting up a power-sharing executive to spend the money?

RHI inquiry

Northern Ireland will receive an extra £1bn over the next two years as part of the deal that will see the Democratic Unionist Party's 10 MPs back Theresa May's minority government in Commons votes.

DUP leader Arlene Foster said the "wide-ranging" pact was "good for Northern Ireland and the UK" - but where does it leave talks to restore power-sharing in Belfast?

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Sir Jeffrey Donaldson has poured cold water on reports that his party was seeking an extra £2bn in health and infrastructure spending.

That was - according to the Lagan Valley MP - "wild speculation" and "wide of the mark".

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Don't be surprised if things go quiet today so far as the DUP-Conservative discussions are concerned.

Not all DUP politicians are Sabbatarians, but enough are to make it party policy to avoid being seen to negotiate on a Sunday.

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It has been a strange election campaign in Northern Ireland, coming so quickly after the March assembly contest and interrupting the talks that were meant to restore devolution.

The debate has ranged across the implications of Brexit for cross-border trade, the consequences of the political vacuum at Stormont and, rather less predictably, whether it is OK for one party leader to call another a "blonde".

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If labelling Sinn Féin as "crocodiles" was the Arlene Foster phrase that stuck at the start of the spring assembly election campaign, then the DUP leader was determined not to make the same mistake again at the outset of the Westminster battle.

The ad lib "crocodile" comment emerged during answers to the press, so the DUP's Gavin Robinson was only half joking when he advised party activists that the longer they cheered the better, as it would cut down the time for those pesky enquiries from reporters.

The Ulster Unionist chief negotiator said it was "simply the worst" talks process ever. And there's not a lot of people rushing to contradict him.

Blame will be thrown in different directions.

Buffeted by a freezing wind on a chilly afternoon last April, I accompanied Martin McGuinness and his dog for a stroll around an ancient Irish hill fort just across the border on the Inishowen peninsula in Donegal.

Grianan of Aileach was a special place for the deputy first minister, perhaps because it reminded him of Ireland's ancient history, but also because it afforded panoramic views across the counties of Donegal, Derry and Tyrone.