Assessment for Koreans in Japan

Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References

Risk Assessment

It is unlikely that the Koreans in Japan will begin to employ militant strategies in their dealings with the government. None of the groups that represent the group are calling for such drastic actions, and the group's goal is to be accepted by the dominant group. Any militant activity would only increase the lack of respect the Japanese have for the Korean minority.

The likelihood of protest is higher than the risk of rebellion, although Koreans in Japan have not engaged in protest behavior recently. The group does face cultural and political restrictions, and while they do not face repression they do face attacks by members of the Japanese society, and they have the support of the two Korean governments, all of these are risk factors for continued protest.

Koreans are restricted from financial and educational opportunities, and suffer discrimination within the civil service. Furthermore, while government policies may be slowly moving towards increasing accommodation, individuals and corporations practice rampant discrimination. All of these factors make the improvement of Korean living conditions, education, and economic situation difficult. While many Koreans have chosen assimilation, a significant portion refuse to be fully incorporated into Japanese culture, choosing to remain in Korean neighborhoods, to attend Korean schools, and being very active and vocal in political relations between North/South Korea and Japan. Even those who do support assimilation into the Japanese society face burdens such as the adoption of Japanese names, language, religion, and the continued official identification of Korean-Japanese citizens.

Analytic Summary

The extremely small Korean population constitutes some 85 percent of Japan's total resident alien population. The majority of them (about 75 percent) were born in Japan and speak Japanese as their native language (LANG = 3). The Koreans began to arrive in Japan in the early part of the 20th century (TRADITN = 4) and are found mostly in the larger Japanese cities (GROUPCON = 1). During the 1930s and 1940s many Koreans came to Japan due to conscription, while Korea was under Japanese control, and many have stayed. Due to their small numbers and attempts at assimilating into the Japanese society as a whole, the group is not cohesive (COHESX9 = 3). For the Koreans, assimilation has been difficult due to their different customs (CUSTOM = 1) and their physical appearance which quickly identifies them as Korean (RACE = 1).

Koreans in Japan face minor demographic disadvantages due to a slight decline in caloric intake and deteriorating health conditions in comparison to the Japanese population. Politically the Koreans face severe exclusionary policies (POLDIS03 = 4). The Japanese government refuses to allow the group to gain citizenship; they cannot vote (although there are laws being considered which would allow for the Koreans to vote in local elections); and the group is denied positions within the government, civil service, police force and the military. Economically the group has been, and continues to be neglected (ECDIS03 = 3). Historically the Korean community has been forced to accept the lowest paying jobs, and there is considerable discrimination in hiring practices. As a result the Koreans are marginalized in the Japanese economy. Culturally, the group also faces serious restrictions. As with political matters, the fact that they are not citizens is the major cause of these restrictions. The Korean language is not recognized as an official language, and therefore cannot be used to publish official materials. Korean wedding ceremonies are not recognized, and some Korean cultural events are also not acknowledged. While the group does not endure any overt governmental repression, there have been reports of ethnically motivated attacks against Koreans, particularly Korean schoolgirls who wear traditional Korean outfits (COMCON00-03 = 3). Some of the more serious attacks have led to fatalities.

Many Koreans emigrated to Japan of their own volition, responding to increasing economic opportunities during the first segment of Japanese colonization. Yet, following the invasion of Manchuria in the 1930s, the influx of Korean emigration was largely a result of a policy of forced conscription. As economic conditions rapidly improved, Japan's intense demand for labor and industrialization led to a Japanese national mobilization plan, which resulted in the conscription of approximately 600,000 Koreans. A number of protests and strikes by Korean workers occurred in Japan. Thus, the Japanese forced the Korean workers to join the Kyowakai and distinguish themselves by wearing a unique badge. As the Japanese military expansion intensified, government procedures for regulating the Korean population increased. All Koreans were required to carry an identification card. However, in 1942, the government promised equal citizenship to Koreans who extended their work contracts. Conscription, in addition to draft labor policies, was implemented in 1942. Throughout the war, the Japanese government promoted an official policy of equality between Japanese and Korean citizens. Koreans were eligible to vote, run for office, and serve on election committees. Despite official political equality, social practices and public perception of Korean inferiority remained prevalent. In addition, Koreans were expected to adopt Japanese culture in order to be entitled to political equality. For example, a Korean male could vote only if he could scribe the name of the candidate in Japanese.

Following the defeat of Japan, the U.S. administration in Japan intended to treat Koreans as if they were Japanese nationals. In 1946 official policy stated that Koreans who rejected repatriation fell under the jurisdiction of Japanese law. However, Koreans could not vote, despite the collection of Japanese federal taxes from the Korean community. In 1948, Korean schools were required to use Japanese textbooks and the Japanese language. Many of the Korean schools refused to implement the Japanese curriculum and were disbanded.

In late 1946, Osaka authorities ordered all Koreans residing in the city to register and carry an identification card with their picture and fingerprints. Due to Korean protests, however, the policy was not implemented until 1955. The issue of fingerprinting became the most contentious issue between the Japanese government and the Korean minority. Between 1978 and 1980, Koreans objected strenuously to the policy and began to refuse fingerprinting. Protestors were often fined and imprisoned. Yet, Japanese authorities themselves have been divided over the issue. The Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs ministries have advocated abolishing the fingerprinting policy, whereas the Justice and police authorities have insisted on its importance in controlling illegal immigration and communist activities. Many local governments have also been opposed to the policy. Quite a few cities, towns, and villages have not reported Korean fingerprinting refusers to the central authorities. Finally, the fingerprinting policy was abolished through a series of reforms following negotiations with South Korea in 1991.

Despite their lack of cohesion, there are numerous organizations which attempt to lobby the Japanese government for changes to the Korean population's situation, and to raise awareness to the issues affecting the group. These groups include various human rights organizations, and Korean associations such as HAN, the Korean Residence Union in Japan, Chongyon (for people from North Korea), Chosen Soren and Mindan (specifically a group representing those from South Korea). These groups also attempt to rally the Korean population, so as to present a more unified stance when dealing with the Japanese government. The Koreans in Japan do receive political support from the government of South Korea and to a lesser extent the government of North Korea, who have actively lobbied on the groups behalf for equal rights, and for the Japanese government to provide restitution to Koreans who were forced to come to Japan during the Second World War, particularly women who became basically sex-slaves.

These groups' overarching demand is to allow the Koreans to become a part of the Japanese society. Since they are basically excluded at this point, this demand has several aspects to it. These include greater participation in the political process (the ability to vote being their key concern), better economic opportunities so that they may begin to become employed in the higher paying jobs of Japan, and access to better education (both in universities, and Korean elementary and secondary schools). All of these demands are basically a call for equal civil rights. Koreans in Japan also desire to preserve their culture, language and way of life. Another key issue is the protection of the group from right-wing Japanese who have periodically attacks Koreans.

Due to their small numbers and precarious position within the Japanese society there have never been any reports of militant activity (REB00-03 = 0). While the group has not been involved in militant activity that is not to say that they have been completely quiet in protesting their treatment in Japan. Since the late 1940s (PROT45X = 2) the group has actively lobbied the government. In the 1990s the group began to hold demonstrations and rallies (PROT90X = 3) to protest issues such as violence against the group and their lack of acceptance in Japanese society. However, no protest has been reported in recent years (PROT00-03 = 0).

References

Minority Rights Group, ed. (1989) World Directory of Minorities, Press Chicago and London: St. James

Keesings Record of World Events 1990-2003

Lexis-Nexis news reports 1990-2003.

U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Japan. 2001-2003.