Assessment for Malays in Singapore
Publisher | Minorities at Risk Project |
Publication Date | 31 December 2003 |
Cite as | Minorities at Risk Project, Assessment for Malays in Singapore, 31 December 2003, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/469f3acec.html [accessed 3 November 2019] |
Disclaimer | This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. |
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Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References
Risk Assessment
The Malays have two of the four factors that increase the chances of future protest: significant political and cultural restrictions and the transitional nature of Singapore's political system. Whether the Chinese-dominated People's Action Party is willing to allow for greater Malay political participation along with helping to further the group's economic status will likely influence the future course of Malay activism.
Analytic Summary
The Malays are widely dispersed across the small island state of Singapore. Most group members immigrated to the country after 1945, mainly from Indonesia but also from Malaysia. In the north, Singapore is separated from southern Malaysia by a narrow strait of water and in the south it is in close proximity to Indonesia.
Group members speak Malay in contrast to Mandarin Chinese, the language spoken by the majority Chinese who constitute about 77% of Singapore's population (LANG = 1). In addition, the Malays are Sunni Muslims while the Chinese are either Buddhists or Christians (BELIEF = 3). The two communities have different social customs; and although they are from different racial backgrounds there has been substantial intermixture (CUSTOM = 1; RACE = 2). Singapore also has minority Indian and European populations.
In 1819, the British East India Company occupied the island, and by 1867 Singapore became a British colony which was soon to become a major commercial port. Its economic potential attracted Chinese migrants who eventually became the majority population. After the Japanese occupation during the Second World War, Singapore returned to British control. While neighboring Malaysia became independent in 1957, British rule on the island did not end until 1963. In that year, concerns about the potential influence of the Communist Party of Malaya in Singapore likely led it to join the anticommunist federation of Malaysia. The political experiment did not last long. Increasing ethnic tensions between the Malays and the Chinese led Singapore to leave the union just two years later. Along with Bangladesh, Singapore was the only other successful secession during the Cold War.
Political power in Singapore from independence until the end of the 1990s has been dominated by the People's Action Party (PAP), led by Lee Kuan Yew or his chosen political successor. During this time period, sustained, high-level, economic growth made Singapore one of the most prosperous countries in Southeast Asia. Its ability to weather the 1998 Asian financial crisis bodes well for the future.
The Malays face restrictions on the practice of their religion and the celebration of group holidays. They also remain disadvantaged in the economic arena in comparison to Singapore's other ethnic groups (ECDIS03 = 1). Group members are disproportionately represented as urban laborers and low-level service workers and they are the least likely to achieve higher education. Compounding these problems are significant drug usage by community members and their involvement in criminal activity. Public policies to improve Malays' economic status have achieved some success. In the mid-1990s, it was reported that 38% of Malay families earned $3000 or more monthly in comparison to 23% in 1990. There are few Malays in high-level political or civil service positions and they are underrepresented in the armed forces, although there has been recent improvement in the latter. This political discrimination is the result of social exclusion by the politically and economically dominant Chinese (POLDIS03 = 3).
Group members seek broader political participation along with economic rights such as a greater share of public funds and economic opportunities. The ability to freely practice their religious and cultural beliefs is also a primary concern, including maintaining control over their system of Islamic schools (madrasahs). Government policy has promoted multiculturalism but the politicization of the identities of the Malay, Chinese, Indian, and European communities is not allowed.
Conventional organizations represent group interests. They include the Singapore Malay National Organization, the Association of Muslim Professionals, and the ruling People's Action Party. The vast majority of Malays support these organizations but their loyalties are divided among these groups which has likely limited their political influence (COHESX9 = 3).
Malay political activism in the form of symbolic protest actions dates back to the early 1980s (PROT80X-98X = 2). In more recent years, protest has been limited to verbal opposition (PROT00-03 = 1). There has been no rebellion against state authorities.
References
The Europa Yearbook, Far East and Australasia 1993.
Far Eastern Economic Review, 1990-93.
Tim Huxley, "Singapore's Politics in the 1980s and 1990s", Asian Affairs, Vol. xxxiii, Part III, October 1992.
Keesings Record of World Events, 1990-93.
Minorities at Risk, Phase I, overview compiled by Monty G. Marshall, 10/89.
Lexis-Nexis news reports, 1990-2003.
See also Tania Li, Malays in Singapore, 1989.